Commonwealth of Liberty

Will and Sam’s Excellent Adventure III: Italy, Japan, China, Singapore

November, 1978

|| Leaving Africa, Willy Soemita, and Sam Hinds made the last leg of their trip, first stopping in Italy, before moving onto Asia to Japan, China, and Singapore. These states would be crucial in the development of their burgeoning ideological beliefs.

Italy and the IRI Formula

|| Landing in Rome, Soemita and Hinds found a nation still living on the backs of a fascist empire. Italy was in the midst of the Italian economic miracle, and it was all thanks to the Istituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale or IRI. Under Benito Mussolini, the IRI had served as the main vehicle through which the state could carry out restructuring. The IRI had not been intended to carry out real nationalizations, instead trading shares, for investment in failing Italian corporations. The IRI continued to grow, and by 1936, 3/4ths of the Italian economy was owned by the state in some form, with 54% of all shares in IRI hands.

While not nearly as large as it once was, the IRI still served as an important vehicle for injecting capital into Italian businesses that still struggled to attain foreign support. For Sam Hinds the economic implications were massive. As the British post-war consensus collapsed, and was replaced by Thatcherism, the need to move away from Keynes and towards a more deft handed approach of state guided market was becoming increasingly evident. Almost immediately, Hinds copied down in his notes the necessity to organize state capital, investments, and shares into one IRI model holdings company.

Dinner With Nobusuke Kishi in Japan

|| When Sam Hinds, and Willy Soemita landed in Japan it wasn’t to see the sights, pay their respects to the Emperor, or even meet with the sickly Prime Minister Masayoshi Ōhira, instead, Soemita would be tasked to meet the Devil of Shōwa, Nobusuke Kishi. Hinds would choose not to attend the dinner, largely due to the likely latent racism of Kishi, or even his loyalists. He still recognized the inherent need for Soemita to meet with Kishi, and begged him to take furious notes.

The reason for meeting Kishi was simple, he had been the leader of the reform bureaucrats, the Japanese faction that tried to create a managerial state within Japan. The idea of Kishi and his faction was the bureaucrats would replace the preeminence of the army, and create a technocratic authoritarian democracy, where the state managed the economy and politics. Using a combination of targeted investment, state enterprises, and incentives for large corporations, the reform bureaucrats had aimed to fundamentally reshape Japan. Even in defeat, Kishi’s ideas had spread, Korea, Singapore, Japan, and China had all to some extent been influenced by the ideas of the reform bureaucrats, and now, so too would be Soemita, and Hinds.

Discussions with Deng Xiaoping

|| Deng Xiaoping was unlike anyone else in the communist aligned world. While the rest sputtered and ground to a halt in the failures of a centrally planned economy, Deng was a visionary. Even as his rule was new, hopes ran high, and Soemita and Hinds rushed to meet their like minded reformist. Soemita rather quickly lost interest instead preferring to stare up a waitress and get too deep into his drink, Deng and Hinds had a long conversation that lasted deep into the night. While Guyana did not matter to China, Deng had always been happy to discuss reformist theories, as he himself had cooperated with Lee Kuan Yew in recent months to develop his own reform plan for China.

Unlike Italy, or Singapore, Deng adopted a more traditional approach to state capitalism. Due to employing 70% of employees, it made little sense to try and organize Chinese SOE’s into a holdings company. Instead the government played a loud and public role in the guiding of the economy. There were some lessons to learn from Chinese plans, but Hinds largely rejected them. The Guyanese economy was too small, and desperate for foreign investment to scare off investors with a closed market.[/i]

Last Stop in Singapore

|| The final stretch of Sam and Willy’s trip was Singapore, and it was one Sam Hinds had been looking forward to. Lee Kuan Yew was considered the pioneer of state capitalism, his model of using state ownership through Temasek Holdings, laid the groundwork for Chinese, Vietnamese, and other burgeoning state capitalist models. Singapore had also adopted anti-racism laws to deal with its large diverse population much like Guyana.

The meeting between Hinds, and LKY was a sycophantic affair. Hinds lavishing praise onto LKY, and asking for notes, and consultation on his own ideas. By the end of their meeting, Sam Hinds had largely put the finishing touches on his ideology, something that would be called “Managerialism.”

Discord proclaims its new supreme leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

SEPTEMBER/1979
Central Bank No More?

| Upon assuming his new hidden powers. Minister of finance Philip Ndegwa would propose within parliament his first plan to solve the issue of financial management. That plan being to decentralise the central bank. |

| While a very shocking decision mostly because many were under the assumption that Ndegwa was a key advocate for centralised, state led economies. Based on his previous proposals to parliament, that never got all the way through for being considered as "too extreme" and also to protect the interest of the market, and any wealthy men who were paying off members of parliament to not let certain legislative proposals to go through. But this sudden shock to parliament allowed for the proposal to get through relatively smoothly, while others had their doubts on Ndegwa sincerity. |

| Multiple different bills went through, each proposal Ndegwa had vetoed being more and more guided by Ndegwa's sincere supporters to form a bill that he would be willing to pass. The final draft which was dubbed as the

" Restructuring Of The Central Bank Of Kenya To Shift It's Duty Away From Being The Central Bank To Becoming A Fiscal Reserve Institution "

Would be accepted by Ndegwa and passed into law as the Establishment Of The Central Reserve Act. |

| This act would state within its provisions:

Section 1
• Reformation Of The Central Bank •
" With the enactment of this act, the central bank will be abolished in name and duty, and reformed into the Central Reserve of Kenya (CRK). Which like its predecessor, will be its own agency. Independent of the government. "
Section 2
• Duties Of The CRK •
" The duty of the CRK is to accumulate a reserve of credit, utilise said credit reserves to finance major government projects and sustain government programs, and to serve as a lender of subsidies. "
Section 3
• Credit Reserve Build Up •
" The CRK will build its reserve on credit by:
1. Through a tax based on the value of land, on land owners
Land value would be divided into 4 categories: "high value" which gives a 8% tax, "optimal value" which gives a 6% tax, "suboptimal value" which gives a 4% tax, and then there's "low value" which gets no levied taxes.
The percentage is referring to the capital value of the land. Capital value in this context means the value of the land in the production of both monetary capital and product capital. The capital value would be determined through a government survey.
2. A tax based on the cost of a house
For housing which which has a cost less than 200 KES there's no tax levied, housing which cost more than 200 but less than 800 KES there'll be a 3% tax, housing which cost more than 800 but less than 1,000 KES will have a 6% tax, housing which cost more than 1,000 KES will have a 12% tax.
The cost is based on the housing market. "
Section 4
• Sibling Agencies •
" There'll be establishment of 'sibling agencies' which are agencies formed to complete the role of a former agency. In this case the Central Bank of Kenya.
There'll be:
1. Central Bureau Of Taxes
The collector, maker, modifier and remover of taxes
2. Central Bureau Of Currency
The minter and issuer of currency
3. Central Bureau Of Land Value
The agency incharge of the land value surveys. "
Section 5
• Alterations To The Financial Authority Committee •
" With the abolishment of the central bank, the Financial Authority Committee will take on the duty of interest rate management, that was once held by the central bank. Along with that the FAC will hence forth become its own independent government agency. "

However while this act came at a stark contrast to the popular perception of Moi's administration, as a man who centralises power under his position and government. There were those who still criticized it. |

| Those who criticized it were a minority of people who supported the idea of economic centralisation. But the most shocking of words to be heard by those who opposed Moi's government was praise for Moi coming from Masinde Muliro and other high profile members of the so-called Federalist Movement.
Muliro's support for what is a perceived Moi decentralisation of fiscal control. Created a microscopic crack within the movement, started by a upstart, youngster by the name of Jack Ochieng Juma. The young man would claim in a minor federalist convention:

"The decentralisation of fiscal management and it's endorsement by the founder of our movement–Muliro. Only serves to hamper the development of the ideology of our movement." |

West Indies Federation - July 1979

For a New West Indies - Part One

Constitutional Reform. Those two words have been the wind in the sails of the Federal Labor Party ever since Michael Manley rose to overshadow Eric Williams. Fueled in the election cycle and then manifested when the nation became a Republic, the motion to continue the reforms suggested by the Wooding Commission in 1972 has been slowing down as more pressing matters rear their heads. With One Love now squarely in history, and with the integration of St Kitts and Antigua into the Federation, the fire has been relit. Throughout the FLP actors are pressing Prime Minister Manley to restart the National Advisory Committee on Constitutional Reform and establish the needed changes while his power is near absolute.

The most fitting place to start is from the bottom up. Local government powers in the Federation have never been fully codified or standardized over the islands. Yet another holdover from the days of the British, French and Spanish empires, the varying systems of local authority used in these empires have created a blend of executive and judicial powers that is different in every island. For example, there is no "province" government in Trinidad and Tobago. Instead there are 14 Municipal Corporations that form the local administration. Meanwhile, Jamaica operates under a series of Parishes and Saint Lucia uses districts managed by the central government. This degree of non-standardization often leads to complications, miscommunications and a downright misunderstanding of how funds and policies should be implemented on an island-to-island basis.

It is clear that before any reform is done to the Presidency or the Parliament, it has to be done at the local level first. The N.A.C.C.R. looked to the Wooding Commission and even earlier to the Sinanan Commission far back in the 1960s to determine what method would be most suitable for every island. Two options met them, either the dissolution of local councils into a system where all local authority was housed by centralized government offices, or a decentralized system of parish leaders who have the ability to set independent taxes and even forms of law enforcement. The first option was rejected near instantly by the assembled committee, who wanted to limit state power due to fears of a Cuba or even Soviet style of domination. The second option however was similarly unpopular, as it would require a major reworking of how elected officials operate, the same elected officials who now sit on the N.A.C.C.R.

So, using the two options available, they forged a third path which could both limit state power while also not removing state power either. Each island would be divided into municipalities, not parishes, districts or even municipal corporations. These municipalities would inherit the same borders as the previous local bodies, ensuring continuity of representation in the transition period. The reformed constitution also places the city of Port-of-Spain as the official capital, rather than Chaguaramas, so it will be granted autonomy from St George Municipality, and its mayor would act as its leader. The provinces would be further subdivided into towns and villages, and each subdivision would get 1 vote each making up half the municipal assembly, with the second half being list candidates. This system, similar to West Germany's, is what will be implement on the federal level later down the line as well.

Municipalities will have the functions of maintaining public infrastructure, that being roads, schools, hospitals, etc., as well as local construction projects and relief. Above the municipalities is the Provincial Government. The provincial government is that of the whole island, which has its own unicameral parliament and Chief Minister. Operating on the same voting principle in a similar separation of powers as province and municipality in Canada, where the provincial government assigns powers and a share of its budget to each. The new system, which will go into effect upon ratification of the new constitution, in theory should use the strengths of both systems it pulls from to create a more standardized, fair and ultimately more representative system for the New West Indies.

أُكْتُوبَر، ١٩٧٩  — October, 1979 

City Link Hotel, Lomuku Road, Yei, State of Central Equatoria (Wasat Equatoria)

The Democratic Republic Of Sudan • جمهورية السودان الديمُقراطية

(Pt3) AMIN’S LAST GAMBLE: THE QUICK TIDES OF CHANGE

Sultan Fedian Kuzami, despite being of Arab blood, was born and raised a Southerner, embracing his life within the green woodlands of Yambio. His father, Fedian, had moved from his parent's home up in Kadugli in the Nuba Mountains, down to the South, in part of his job as a high-ranking officer in the Sudanese border guard, as Yambio is less than an hour's trip from the Congolese border. Sultan had traveled great distances from Yambio, seeing what the known world of Sudan had to offer, he had traveled with his mother to Eritrea, her homeland, where his father had met her and married her during the Sudanese occupation of Eritrea post-World War Two, and also having been to Kadugli on numerous occasions during the school break seasons, visiting his grandmother and aunt who continued to live there long after Grandfather’s death 20 years ago.

Sultan would make the biggest trip of his life yet, to attend military school in Juba, hoping to follow in his father’s footsteps of being a soldier, something his father would be proud of, believing in the values of discipline and duty that the military installs in its recruits, as it had installed in him during his years of service in his 20s. Unfortunately, the same military and sense of duty that existed in Fedian’s time had long been altered by the country’s radical change in the last three decades. Fedian had served a military that swore allegiance to a foreign monarchy. Two decades later that same military had sworn its allegiance to a document that had brought about the existence of a fragile Republic, which had itself undermined its military institutions, shown a lack of seriousness to the security of the state, and its indifference to the military’s desperate need to upgrade and modernize its armed forces from the days of the arms race with Ethiopia back in the early 50s. And a decade after that, the increasingly corrupt and fractured Republic would be taken by a military figure, who had increased the powers of the armed forces and the Presidential Office, taking the balance of power from the bickering corruption of the multi-party Parliament to the Imperial Presidency.

When Sultan had been old enough to begin a career in the armed forces that goes beyond basic training, Nimiery had been well into himself as the Military President, with it bringing promises that the armed forces will never be neglected again and that the security of the country would be of the utmost importance. Though Nimeiry had kept much of that promise, it was still a surprise for many that the Sudanese army had been caught completely off guard by the South’s insurrection and Nilemban Invasion. Within the last months, Sultan had found himself going from enjoying his winter vacation with his mom, dad, and sister back in Yambio several miles out west, to being pushed into the epicenter of the violent outbreak that would alter the course of Sudanese hegemony in the region.

Sultan was called to service that very same day and reports of the Anyanya insurgents attacking key locations across the south would reach his home. As he quickly got ready to report to the local office his father and mother would linger in their hugs, both of them remembering the toll that the Second World War, the Eritrean War of Independence, and the Al-Daein insurgency in Darfur had taken on their lives as they were young and starting their family. Something told them that Sultan may not return home soon, fearing that the Sudanese state in its attempts to strengthen its image and status, may resort to a prolonged war to entirely decimate and weed out its enemies.

When Sultan reported to his commanding officer along with his fellow units from Yambio, they discovered that local law enforcement had thwarted an attempt by a small group of Anyanya rebels planning to attack the town as well. After a day of going over the basic briefing, his unit would receive their first task to assist local authorities and SAF units in Yei, which was a five-hour-long trip east into neighboring Central Equatoria State. By the third hour of the trip, Sultan’s unit convoy would pass by refugees from the Central State, all of them headed to Maridi out west. By sunset, they had made it to Yei, the loud sound of gunfire from the battle over the city’s police station had deafened the humming of the truck engine that Sultan and his unit had gotten used to for the past five hours. Every man in the unit was beginning to tense up as the convoy made its way through the trashed and chaotic streets of Yei, the city’s remaining refugees can still be seen attempting to find their ways out to safety.

Yei had been holding up better than the other cities affected by the Anyanya insurgents, with most of the rebels driven from the outskirts to the city center surrounding the police station, where they had the majority of their weapons stashed after taking it over. This is where the Yambio, Maridi, Tambura, and Wau Unit reinforcements come in, quickly setting up defensive positions and encampments around the city center as the conflict dies down for the night. The army could have saved time by simply having the Sudanese Air Force bomb the daylight out of the Yei city center and police station, yet the insistence of the central
The government to minimize the use of brute force on Sudanese soil and Sudanese cities had forced the army to consider precise and strategic military operations as an alternative to combat the Anyanya and Nilemban threat, such as the battle over Yei.

By sunrise Sultan and his unit had been given a minor task to clear out the City Link hotel and surrounding shops on Lomuku Road, part of Yei’s central business district, which was also the boundary of the defined conflict zone. Sultan was secretly grateful for the task, far from the main firefight raging inside the CBD, he felt like a coward for not wanting to get into the fight, only for his CO to reassure the unit that their task was of utmost importance to the war effort. Body collection and clearing the area of more weapons stashed and or safe zones the rebels may later use, a very important task that could spare Yei from any prolonged entrenched urban conflict, and possible contagious disease outbreak in the south.

Later in the day, the unit had spread out all over Lomuku road, splitting into groups of two, Sultan would be paired up with another up-and-coming recruit, a southerner from Yambio named Richard Keji, they had known each other for months before the war, being from the same town and unit of a hundred or so men receiving the same training, Sultan was confident in Richard’s abilities to have his back during this clear and go operation. Within the next dozen minutes, the two soldiers would have the entire first floor out of two in the hotel cleared out, no bodies down here but they did find an abandoned regime and some magazines. Moving on to the second floor with Richard leading the charge and Sultan covering his back, as they slowly made it up the stairs they heard some commotion, Sultan turned around to see four other recruits coming up the stairs, one of them with an angry look on him, “the commander said don’t move up without more backup.” He hissed at Sultan before swinging his rifle around to aim it in the direction of the other rifles. The unit of six now moved up together, again splitting up into three this time to clear out two rooms at a time.

After the search that had taken what seemed like hours, Sultan had stumbled out of the Hotel getting ready to throw up on the roadside outside, getting nauseous of the mounting smell of corpses. His comrades slowly carried human bodies down to the lobby with masks tied around their faces, lining them up in the order they were found. One child assumed to be 11 years of age, four adult women, 6 young men, some of which are suspected rebel members, with the understanding that the Anyanya has seized the hotel, taking the people in it hostage while engaging in a firefight with the initial Sudanese armed response to their takeover of the town. Hours would pass with the sounds of gunfire falling silent, the unit had cleared out every building on Lomuku Road and the blocks around it, the bodies of civilians, soldiers, and rebels increasing as they were lined up. In the end, they counted 62 bodies, civilians, law enforcement, soldiers, and rebels, each face engraved in Sultan's mind as he thought. Was the army careless, or were the rebels really that ruthless that they took out every person in sight, perhaps out of vengeance, perhaps out of plan to make it seem like the Sudanese army did this… unless the army did do this deliberately as well, viewing any southerner as a collaborator, a possible threat. But that didn’t make sense, most of the SAF’s units in the South were southerners themselves he thought, but even then, a lot of the rebels were SAF mutineers who held allegiance to the Anyanya and the Nilotic State before their oath to Sudan, Sultan’s mind struggled to make sense of it all, yet those suspicions will not distract him from what he knows for sure by daylight’s end, with the guns falling silent and the cheers of the troops heard throughout town, the battle of Yei was declared over as remaining rebel holdouts in the police station and nearby school would surrender.

A - M O N T H - A F T E R:

The battle over Yei had seemed like a distant memory in the short time that Sultan had been serving in this war, as the past couple of weeks had brought about a spiral of quick and unending change to the geopolitical landscape of the region. Shortly after the victory over Yei, Sultan had managed to acquire a radio, to use as his unit was moved from one village to another in the Sudanese countryside between Yei to the border town of Morobo further south. It seemed that as more time and distance had been put between the traumatic experience in Yei, victory after victory would be declared by the Sudanese armed forces throughout the south. When they had left Yei the Army had announced Juba was rounding up the traitors in the hundreds, with their trials and executions imminent. By the time Sultan and his unit reached Morobo on the Congolese border, he would receive news that the Sudanese Army had officially made contact with the Nilemban occupation in Nimule, managing to easily break through the Achwa River defensives, barreling towards the showdown at Nimule Town itself, or so he thought would be the final now that the Anyanya insurrection had either been wiped, caught, and chased off Sudan into the Congo and Nilemba.

Sultan had tuned into the radio day in and day out to update his unit on the Battle of Nimule, which had taken about 16 days in total, before the Nilemban Army had ordered a retreat back into Nilemba, quickly allowing the Sudanese armed forces to reset defensive positions along the Unyama River, preparing for further Nilemban counter-attack. By then Sultan’s Unit was quickly mobilized to Kaya, a Sudanese border village where they were set to join the brigades of the Sudanese 3rd Army, a larger force unit of the SAF established by Central Command. There as Sultan’s Unit would regroup with the larger force, this time made up of armored personnel carriers and battle tanks, and IFVs, their commander would brief them on their next task, the full-scale Sudanese counter-invasion of Nilemba.

The incapabilities of the Nilemban military have already been demonstrated, with all the speculations that there is a lack of cooperation common amongst the military ranks of the NDF, giving the SAF an advantage to scramble their responses once the counter-invasion begins. Sultan was listening to the radio one final time for the day, before tomorrow’s big military offensive towards Arua, Nilemba’s largest city west of the White Nile River. On the radio Sultan would be shocked to hear President Nimiery giving an unscheduled speech to the nation, notifying them that the Sudanese South has been cleansed of the treacherous activities of Anyanya bastards and that Nilemban troops and their traitorous accomplices had been chased out of Sudan, but their acts of criminal occupation will not be left unanswered. By then more and more of Sultan’s following soldiers would assemble around the radio to hear Nimiery’s speech as he got to thanking the troops for their sacrifice, both Arab and African, Muslim and Christian, Northerner and Southerner, their duty to ensure the Union of the Republic before all else will never be forgotten, but yet one last sacrifice is asked of them from the President of that Republic, as their commander and chief. Make Nilemba pay.

———————————————————————
AL-NASRU LENA!
AL-NASRU LE SUDAN!

"हिन्दूवैराज्यं धर्मेण संस्थाप्य, अरथं शान्तिं च स्थापितं, सर्वजनस्य समृद्धिं प्राप्नुयात्।"

"Hindūvairājyaṃ dharmeṇa sansthāpya, arthaṃ śāntiṃ ca sthāpitam, sarvajanasya samṛddhiṃ prāpnuyāt."

"The Republic of Hinduvarajya, established through righteousness, prosperity, and peace, may bring prosperity to all people".

"Islamic Republic of Pakistan: A Nation of Terrorism and Oppression".

From the perspective of a leader of the Republic of Hinduvarajya, Pakistan is not just a neighboring state with whom we have territorial disputes but a nation whose actions have consistently undermined regional peace and security, promoting terrorism, extremism, and a climate of fear both within its own borders and beyond. Pakistan’s long-standing support for various militant groups and terrorist organizations has caused untold suffering to millions of innocent civilians, particularly in India, and continues to destabilize the entire South Asian region. Over the decades, Pakistan has nurtured and provided refuge to groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed, and Hizbul Mujahideen, who have carried out gruesome attacks on Indian soil, including the 2001 Indian Parliament attack, the 2008 Mumbai attacks, and numerous other incidents of violence aimed at sowing chaos and disrupting peace in the region. These attacks have not only resulted in the loss of countless lives but have also left deep scars on the collective psyche of the people of India. The Republic of Hinduvarajya views these actions not as isolated incidents but as part of a broader, deliberate strategy employed by Pakistan to destabilize India and undermine its sovereignty, particularly in the disputed region of Jammu and Kashmir.

Pakistan's complicity in supporting these terrorist networks, through both direct and indirect means, is seen as a direct violation of international norms and an act of aggression against the peaceful and democratic values that the Republic of Hinduvarajya holds dear. The Pakistan government’s inability or unwillingness to effectively address the presence of such groups within its borders, and its failure to clamp down on the spread of radical ideologies, contributes significantly to the continuing violence in the region. From the perspective of the Republic of Hinduvarajya, this support for terrorism represents a profound threat not only to India’s security but to global peace and stability. Terrorism, once fostered and allowed to flourish, spreads like a malignant force, affecting entire societies and leading to a spiral of violence and extremism that undermines the very fabric of civilization.

Furthermore, the treatment of minorities within Pakistan is a deeply troubling issue that reflects the inherent intolerance and discrimination that exists within the Pakistani state. Pakistan, which was founded in the name of Islam, has systematically marginalized and persecuted its religious and ethnic minorities, including Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, and other non-Muslim groups. The Republic of Hinduvarajya recognizes that the persecution of these minorities—ranging from forced conversions to violence, discrimination, and denial of basic human rights—reflects a deeper, structural issue in Pakistan’s society and governance. Religious minorities in Pakistan live in constant fear of violence and coercion, with little recourse to justice. These actions go against the very principles of justice, equality, and humanity that the Republic of Hinduvarajya upholds. The systematic oppression and marginalization of non-Muslim communities in Pakistan are seen as a manifestation of the religious extremism that the state has failed to curtail or eradicate. This failure to protect minorities and uphold their basic rights raises fundamental questions about the Pakistani government's commitment to human dignity and peace.

From the viewpoint of the Republic of Hinduvarajya, Pakistan’s continued role in promoting terrorism, intolerance, and injustice, both within its borders and in its external relations, marks it as a nation that poses a significant threat to regional and global peace. The policies and actions of Pakistan, particularly in relation to India and its minority communities, are viewed as destabilizing forces that propagate violence and division. As a nation founded on the principles of dharma (righteousness), justice, and the protection of all peoples, the Republic of Hinduvarajya sees it as not only a moral duty but a strategic necessity to counter such forces. While the Republic of Hinduvarajya advocates for peace, stability, and coexistence, it also recognizes the necessity of standing firm in the face of aggression and extremism. The Republic’s commitment to protecting its sovereignty, its people, and its values requires it to remain vigilant in the face of the ongoing threat posed by Pakistan and the forces of terrorism it has fostered.

The Republic of Hinduvarajya believes that true peace can only be achieved when states respect the sovereignty of their neighbors, uphold the rule of law, and work to protect the rights and dignity of all people, regardless of their religion or ethnicity. Unfortunately, Pakistan’s history and actions over the past several decades indicate a disregard for these principles, making it a nation that continues to support terrorism and oppress its minorities. In this context, the Republic of Hinduvarajya not only seeks to protect its people and its borders but also aims to expose and challenge the state-sponsored violence and persecution that have caused so much harm to innocent lives. The legacy of terrorism and the mistreatment of minorities in Pakistan serves as a stark reminder that the fight for justice and peace is ongoing, and it is a struggle that the Republic of Hinduvarajya will continue to pursue, both for its own people and for the well-being of all those who suffer under oppression and violence in the region.

"जय भारत! जय हिन्दू!

Killings Of Hindus and Other minorities in Bangladesh

From the perspective of Leader of the Republic of Hinduvarajya, the ongoing persecution, killings, and systemic discrimination of Hindus and other minorities in Bangladesh are deeply alarming and require immediate global attention. The Republic firmly condemns the widespread violence against Hindus, who have historically been an integral part of the region's culture, and calls for accountability and justice for the victims.

In Bangladesh, while the country was originally founded on secular principles, the reality for religious minorities, especially Hindus, has been one of increasing insecurity, violence, and displacement. Over recent years, there have been numerous reports of Hindus being killed in targeted attacks, forced conversions, land grabs, desecration of temples, and destruction of cultural heritage sites. These acts of terror and violence are not isolated but represent a disturbing trend that continues to worsen, particularly in the face of rising religious extremism and intolerance.

The Republic of Hinduvarajya sees this as not just a national crisis but a regional and global one, one that calls for the intervention of the international community. The inability or unwillingness of the Bangladeshi government to address the growing violence against religious minorities has left Hindus and other marginalized groups living in a constant state of fear. The failure to protect these communities, along with the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of violence, is an affront to basic human rights and justice. The Republic strongly believes that no individual or community should ever live under the constant threat of violence simply due to their faith.

The Republic of Hinduvarajya stands in solidarity with the persecuted Hindus and other minorities in Bangladesh and calls for immediate actions to ensure their safety and security. The Republic advocates for diplomatic pressure on Bangladesh to uphold its commitment to secularism, protect the rights of minorities, and hold accountable those who engage in religious violence. Furthermore, the Republic urges the global Hindu diaspora and human rights organizations to come together to raise awareness about the crisis and to work towards meaningful solutions.

From the standpoint of the Republic of Hinduvarajya, this situation reflects not only the failure of the Bangladeshi state to protect its citizens but also the urgent need for nations and communities across the world to unite in the fight against religious intolerance, persecution, and extremism. The Republic believes that peace, justice, and equality must be the foundation of all societies, and it is with this in mind that the Republic of Hinduvarajya demands an end to the killing, displacement, and persecution of Hindus and other religious minorities in Bangladesh. The Republic remains committed to supporting all those who suffer under the yoke of oppression and violence, working toward a future where all people, regardless of religion, can live in peace, dignity, and freedom.

"जय भारत! जय हिन्दू!

SHŌWA 54 | OCTOBER 1979

選挙で自民党が勝利


LDP Triumphs in the Election

 N A G A T A C H Ō   ¹ 

君が代は 千代に八千代に 細石の 巌と為りて 苔の生すまで

May your reign Continue for a thousand, eight thousand generations, Until the tiny pebbles Grow into massive boulders Lush with moss

LDP HQ, NAGATACHŌ — FALL
_{CHIYODA, TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon}

_{▌The presence of a Soviet military buildup on an offshore island, alarmingly close to our shores, has created a sense of unease. Internal discord among rival politicians and policymakers persists regarding the actual degree of “threat” posed by this buildup. The government has sought the withdrawal of Soviet troops, a demand that has been brusquely turned down by Moscow. The Japanese Foreign Ministry expressed “serious concern” about the military presence on the island and a desire for the Soviets to withdraw their forces to improve “neighborly relations.” However, the Soviet ambassador to Tokyo, Dmitry Polyansky, dismissed the protest, labeling it a “reckless act of interference in Soviet internal affairs.” This response added to existing tensions, as Tokyo disputes Moscow’s claims to the islands, which have been under Soviet control since the end of World War II. Japanese military officials have stressed the possible “Soviet threat” to Hokkaido, Japan’s northern main island. However, Premier MASAYOSHI ŌHIRA, busy with the final phase of Japan’s election campaign, has sought to downplay the resulting controversy. Among his concerns was the fear that a heated debate over the islands would further complicate Soviet-Japanese relations, which had already been strained by Japan’s friendship treaty with China last year. Consequently, his foreign minister, SUNAO SONODA, wisely warned against “overreactions,” sounding much like U.S. officials during the Cuban crisis.}

_{Known for his strong and imposing presence, Premier ŌHIRA, referred to as “the Bull,” appeared to possess an aura of invincibility and a fierce intensity similar to Ferdinand’s after the parliamentary elections. At first glance, ŌHIRA’s electoral performance may seem adequate, as his Liberal Democratic Party (L.D.P.) saw its popular vote increase from 42% to 44.6%. The party has upheld its plurality in the 511-member lower house of the Diet by securing 248 seats, which is just one less than it had in the last parliament; the L.D.P. continues to hold power, thanks to the secured support of ten independent members, providing a voting majority of two. Furthermore, the Socialists, Japan’s second-largest party and the L.D.P.’s main opposition managed to win only 107 seats, a decline of 16. The results indicated a considerable loss of ŌHIRA’s prestige and authority. Despite the advice of his advisers, he firmly insisted on holding an election 14 months ahead of the constitutional requirement, to secure a mandate to deal with the serious economic challenges Japan would face in the coming decade. Overly optimistic, he predicted a landslide victory for his party and confidently set the goal of achieving a “stable majority” of 271 seats.}

_{The Premier severely underestimated the unpopularity of raising taxes. Early in the campaign, he indicated that the government would need to consider a zozei, a significant tax increase, to deal with Japan’s $70 billion deficit, which would affect personal income or consumer goods. After facing a robust backlash against new taxes, ŌHIRA tried to mitigate the problem just before the election, but it was too late. While ŌHIRA can safely ignore demands that he resign, to form a Cabinet he will likely need to grant certain valuable ministerial posts to disgruntled power brokers who lead opposing factions within the L.D.P. The Bull appeared embarrassed and expressed a pessimistic view.}

日本 | General Elections in the 20th Century

by The State of Nippon-Nihon

—
—

_{SHUSHO KANTEI}
—

J A P A N E S E    G E N E R A L    E L E C T I O N S

| 19XX | | 19XX | | 19XX | | 19XX |

| 19XX | | 19XX | | 19XX | | 19XX |

| 1979 | | 1976 | | 1972 | | 1969 |

| 1967 | | 1963 | | 1960 | | 1958 |

| 1955 | | 1953 | | 1952 | | 1949 |

| 1947 | | 1946 | | 1942 | | 1937 |

| 1936 | | 1932 | | 1930 | | 1928 |

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1979}

Leader Masayoshi Ōhira	Leader Ichio Asukata	Leader Yoshikatsu Takeiri
Party Liberal Democratic	Party Socialist	Party Kōmeitō
Last Election 41.78%, 249 seats	Last Election 20.69%, 123 seats	Last Election 10.91%, 55 seats
Seats Won 248	Seats Won 107	Seats Won 57
Popular Vote 24,084,131	Popular Vote 10,643,450	Popular Vote 5,282,683
Percentage 44.59%	Percentage 19.71%	Percentage 9.78%

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1976}

Leader Takeo Miki	Leader Tomomi Narita	Leader Yoshikatsu Takeiri
Party Liberal Democratic	Party Socialist	Party Kōmeitō
Last Election 46.85%, 271 seats	Last Election 21.90%, 118 seats	Last Election 8.46%, 29 seats
Seats Won 249	Seats Won 123	Seats Won 55
Popular Vote 23,653,626	Popular Vote 11,713,009	Popular Vote 6,177,300
Percentage 41.78%	Percentage 20.69%	Percentage 10.91%

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1972}

Leader Kakuei Tanaka	Leader Tomomi Narita	Leader Kenji Miyamoto
Party Liberal Democratic	Party Socialist	Party Communist
Last Election 47.63%, 288 seats	Last Election 21.44%, 90 seats	Last Election 6.81%, 14 seats
Seats Won 271	Seats Won 118	Seats Won 38
Popular Vote 24,563,199	Popular Vote 11,478,742	Popular Vote 5,496,827
Percentage 46.85%	Percentage 21.90%	Percentage 10.49%

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1969}

Leader Eisaku Satō	Leader Tomomi Narita	Leader Yoshikatsu Takeiri
Party Liberal Democratic	Party Socialist	Party Kōmeitō
Last Election 48.80%, 277 seats	Last Election 27.88%, 140 seats	Last Election 5.38%, 25 seats
Seats Won 288	Seats Won 90	Seats Won 47
Popular Vote 22,381,570	Popular Vote 10,074,101	Popular Vote 5,124,666
Percentage 47.63%	Percentage 21.44%	Percentage 10.91%

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1967}

Leader Eisaku Satō	Leader Kōzō Sasaki	Leader Suehiro Nishio
Party Liberal Democratic	Party Socialist	Party Democratic Socialist
Last Election 54.67%, 283 Seats	Last Election 29.03%, 144 Seats	Last Election 7.37%, 23 Seats
Seats Won 277	Seats Won 140	Seats Won 30
Popular Vote 22,447,838	Popular Vote 12,826,104	Popular Vote 3,404,464
Percentage 48.80%	Percentage 27.88%	Percentage 7.40%

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1963}

Leader Hayato Ikeda	Leader Jōtarō Kawakami
Party Liberal Democratic	Party Socialist
Leader's Seat Hiroshima–2nd	Leader's Seat Hyōgo–1st
Seats Won 283	Seats Won 144
Popular Vote 22,423,915	Popular Vote 11,906,766
Percentage 54.7%	Percentage 29.0%

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^{Japanese General Election, 1960}

Leader Nobusuke Kishi	Leader Saburō Eda
Party Liberal Democratic	Party Socialist
Leader's Seat Yamaguchi–2nd	Leader's Seat Not contesting (Councillor)
Seats Won 296	Seats Won 145
Popular Vote 22,740,272	Popular Vote 10,887,134
Percentage 57.6%	Percentage 27.6%

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1958}

Leader Nobusuke Kishi	Leader Mosaburō Suzuki	Leader Sanzō Nosaka
Party Liberal Democratic	Party Socialist	Party Communist
Leader's Seat Yamaguchi–2nd	Leader's Seat Tokyo–3rd	Leader's Seat Not contesting (Councillor)
Seats Won 287	Seats Won 166	Seats Won 1
Popular Vote 22,976,84	Popular Vote 13,093,993	Popular Vote 1,012,036
Percentage 57.80%	Percentage 32.94%	Percentage 2.55%

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1955}

Leader Ichirō Hatoyama	Leader Taketora Ogata	Leader Mosaburō Suzuki
Party Democratic	Party Liberal	Party Left Socialist
Leader's Seat Tokyo–1st	Leader's Seat Fukuoka–1st	Leader's Seat Tokyo–3rd
Seats Won 185	Seats Won 114	Seats Won 89
Popular Vote 13,536,044	Popular Vote 9,849,458	Popular Vote 5,683,312
Percentage 36.57%	Percentage 26.61%	Percentage 15.35%

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1953}

Leader Shigeru Yoshida	Leader Mamoru Shigemitsu	Leader Mosaburō Suzuki
Party Liberal	Party Kaishintō	Party Left Socialist
Seats Won 199	Seats Won 76	Seats Won 72
Popular Vote 13,476,428	Popular Vote 6,186,232	Popular Vote 4,516,715
Percentage 38.95%	Percentage 17.88%	Percentage 13.05%

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^{Japanese General Election, 1952}

Leader Shigeru Yoshida	Leader Mamoru Shigemitsu	Leader Jōtarō Kawakami
Party Liberal	Party Kaishintō	Party Right Socialist
Last Election 43.87%, 264 Seats	Last Election 19.10%, 84 Seats	Last Election –
Seats Won 240	Seats Won 89	Seats Won 57
Popular Vote 16,938,221	Popular Vote 6,429,450	Popular Vote 4,108,274
Percentage 47.93%	Percentage 18.19%	Percentage 11.63%

---

^{Japanese General Election, 1949}

Leader Shigeru Yoshida	Leader Takeru Inukai	Leader Tetsu Katayama
Party Democratic Liberal	Party Democratic	Party Socialist
Last Election 26.73%, 131 Seats	Last Election 25.44%, 124 Seats	Last Election 26.23%, 143 Seats
Seats Won 264	Seats Won 70	Seats Won 48
Popular Vote 13,420,269	Popular Vote 4,798,352	Popular Vote 4,129,794
Percentage 43.87%	Percentage 15.68%	Percentage 13.50%

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^{Japanese General Election, 1947}

Leader Tetsu Katayama	Leader Shigeru Yoshida	Leader Hitoshi Ashida
Party Socialist	Party Liberal	Party Democratic
Last Election 17.90%, 93 Seats	Last Election 24.36%, 141 Seats	Last Election –
Seats Won 143 Seats	Seats Won 131 Seats	Seats Won 124 Seats
Popular Vote 7,176,882	Popular Vote 7,312,524	Popular Vote 6,960,270
Percentage 26.23%	Percentage 26.73%	Percentage 25.44%

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^{Japanese General Election, 1946}

Leader Ichirō Hatoyama	Leader Chūji Machida	Leader Tetsu Katayama
Party Liberal	Party Progressive	Party Socialist
Seats Won 141	Seats Won 94	Seats Won 93
Popular Vote 13,505,746	Popular Vote 10,350,530	Popular Vote 9,924,930
Percentage 24.36%	Percentage 18.67%	Percentage 17.90%

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^{Japanese General Election, 1942}

Leader Hideki Tōjō	Leader —
Party Taisei Yokusankai	Party —
Last Election 421 Seats	Last Election —
Seats Won 381	Seats Won —

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^{Japanese General Election, 1937}

Leader Chūji Machida	Leader Various
Party Rikken Minseitō	Party Rikken Seiyūkai
Leader's Seat Akita–1st	Leader's Seat —
Last Election 205 Seats	Last Election 174 Seats
Seats Won 179 Seats	Seats Won 175 Seats
Popular Vote 3,689,355	Popular Vote 3,594,863
Percentage 36.16%	Percentage 35.23%

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^{Japanese General Election, 1936}

Leader Chūji Machida	Leader Suzuki Kisaburō
Party Rikken Minseitō	Party Rikken Seiyūkai
Leader's Seat Akita–1st	Leader's Seat Kanagawa–2nd (lost)
Last Election 146 Seats	Last Election 301 Seats
Seats Won 205 Seats	Seats Won 174 Seats
Popular Vote 4,444,413	Popular Vote 4,188,029
Percentage 39.92%	Percentage 37.62%

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^{Japanese General Election, 1932}

Leader Tsuyoshi Inukai	Leader Reijiro Wakatsuki
Party Rikken Seiyūkai	Party Rikken Minseitō
Leader's Seat Okayama–2nd	Leader's Seat Peers
Last Election 174 Seats	Last Election 273 Seats
Seats Won 301 Seats	Seats Won 146 Seats
Popular Vote 5,683,137	Popular Vote 3,442,326
Percentage 58.20%	Percentage 35.25%

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^{Japanese General Election, 1930}

Leader Osachi Hamaguchi	Leader Tsuyoshi Inukai
Party Rikken Minseitō	Party Rikken Seiyūkai
Leader's Seat Kōchi–1st	Leader's Seat Okayama–2nd
Last Election 216 Seats	Last Election 217 Seats
Seats Won 273 Seats	Seats Won 174 Seats
Popular Vote 5,466,908	Popular Vote 3,925,280
Percentage 52.48%	Percentage 37.69%

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^{Japanese General Election, 1928}

Leader Tanaka Giichi	Leader Osachi Hamaguchi
Party Rikken Seiyūkai	Party Rikken Minseitō
Last Election 103 Seats	Last Election —
Seats Won 217 Seats	Seats Won 216 Seats
Popular Vote 4,244,385	Popular Vote 4,251,771
Percentage 43.06%	Percentage 43.14%

_{Designed by Paramountica, Assembled for Commonwealth of Liberty.}

Read dispatch

▬▬▬
_{¹ A Series: NAGATACHŌ, events related to the Kantei (Japanese Premier’s Residence) and the National Diet, consisting of the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors.}

T H E   S L O V E N E   R E P U B L I C   •   S L O V E N S K A   R E P U B L I K A

Slovenia hosts the World Rowing Championship at idyllic Lake Bled; East Germany tops the medal table.

^{UPON BLED AGAIN
SEPTEMBER 1979}

There is, perhaps, no feature so iconic of Slovenia as Lake Bled. With its iconic church-topped central island, the lake has been a genuine joy of the Slovenian nation since time immemorial. Gold needlework dating back to the 13th century BC has been found along its shores, and Holy Roman Emperor Henry II was known to be personally fond of it. Now a resort destination popular in Slovenia and beyond, it was aptly chosen as the second World Rowing Championship venue in 1966. Now, thirteen years later, Slovenia has once again assumed the role of host in the late summer and early autumn of 1979, welcoming the world’s top rowers to Upper Carniola.

The rowing championships were not the first international sporting championship in the Republic in 1979; the International Ski Federation (FIS) hosted its Ski Flying World Championships in the Alpine valley of Planica in March. Slovenian ski jumper Ivo Zupan landed the longest jump on the second of three days of competition. Still, the end medalists were Alpine jumper Armin Kogler, East German jumper Axel Zitzmann, and Polish jumper Piotr Fijas. Slovene sporting and footwear companies Elan and Alpina have been more-than-willing sponsors for such events, and President France Bučar, opening the Rowing Championship, reiterated his wish for Slovenia to become a beacon of European sport; its hosting efforts were more successful than its participatory ones, however, as Slovenia reached fourth in two men’s events but was unable to clinch a medal. As expected, East Germany, the Soviet Union and Romania topped the medal table with 14, 5, and 5, respectively; Finnish rower Pertti Karppinen won gold in the men’s singles, and Romania’s Sanda Toma did so in the women’s. The closing ceremony saw a parade of all the teams in Bled, ending in a bonfire on the shores of the lake. There, Slovenian officials gave their best to Belgium, which will host the 1980 Championship at Hazewinkel.