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FEBRUARY , 1970 | A bill made by prime minister Goh Hock Guan for a constitutional amendment would be passed with a majority in his cabinet in favour of amending the constitution. | | This would become the 15th constitutional amendment in Malaysia's constitutional history. This amendment of the constitution was created by Goh Hock Guan to create more equal opportunities for all races within Malaysia. The amendment states:
— Article 153 of the Malaysian constitution, which has been part of the Malaysian constitution since the nation's inception. Will be removed from the constitution with this amendment. Section 2: — Alongside Article 153. Article 3 would also be removed from the constitution as Article 3 declares that Islam is the religion of the Federation but it then goes on to say that this does not affect the other provisions of the Constitution (Article 4(3)). Therefore, the fact that Islam is the religion of Malaysia does not by itself import Islamic principles into the Constitution but it does contain a number of specific Islamic features. Section 3: — Article 152 which states that the national language is the Malay language. Will also be removed from the constitution. Section 4: — Article 152 would be replaced with Article 152.1 which will state that the national langauge of Malaysia is English. The other languages within Malaysia, like Malay and Tamil are the people's language. Section 5: — Article 3 will be replaced with Article 3.1 which will state that the there is no official religion of the federation. Section 6: — Article 153 will be replaced with Article 153.1 which will state that the prime minister will be responsible for upholding the interest of the Indians, Chinese and other minor communities (such as the Kristang and Khmer people) in government. Meanwhile the Yang di-Pertuan Agong will be responsible for upholding the interest of the Malays and Borneo aboriginals in government. Section 7: — This amendment will stay until a referendum is done to repeal this amendment. | | As a result of this amendment to the constitution. The New Development Plan would no longer be a viable national plan for the future of the nation, as the plan had followed the words of Article 153 for its New Economic Policy segment. As such a new iteration of the New Economic Policy needs to be drafted immediately once the amendment takes effect, to take the place of the 'old' New Economic Policy within the New Development Plan. | | However once news came out on the constitutional amendment. Those within Malaysia society that advocate for the ideas of Malay Nationalism and Malay Overlordship were furious about this amendment as it removed their special position and passive authority of the Malay race within Malaysian policy making. The strongest of these voices, advocating for Malay Overlordship was one Mahathir Mohamad who is a disgraced member of the now defunct UMNO.
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Welcome! See the above message please. Cascadla and Nippon-Nihon |
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY ___ SCHOLL's PROGRESSIVE GOVERNMENT DOES NOT SHY AWAY FROM PRINCIPLES IN VIGOROUS BUDGET FIGHT | The new government of Chancellor Sophie Scholl pulled out its boxing gloves and threw fists without hesitation, to the enthusiastic cheering of its youthful, liberal base of ardent supporters, as the German Bundestag sought to tackle the significant issue of the first budget under the new government. Speaking to a class of economics students at the Technical University of Frankfurt (Technische Universität Frankfurt, or TUF) in early January, Chancellor Scholl sought to close speculation that her government would be fiscally irresponsible and politically "overambitious", as the opposition center-right Christian Democrats alleged the DfV would be if they were given the chance to govern. Scholl now held the office of Chancellor, and thus had the prerogative to begin planning for the next federal budget. In a Cabinet meeting on 14 January, Scholl reasserted her primary objectives that she wished to achieve with their first budget and attached packages on national defense, foreign policy and more: |
- Expansion of budgets for new generation social welfare programs and initiatives - Public community development programs under new federal initiatives - Establishment of a legislative ban on conscription under non-essential circumstances - Establishment of a renunciation of violence and armed conflict as a primary instrument for defense and foreign policy - Establishment of a commission to investigate the safety of nuclear energy in Germany - Denunciation of the War in Vietnam and German commitment to a peace deal | Unbashedly liberal and unashamed to show off her true colors, apparently, reporters say as they swarmed the Chancellor's residence to get their heads wrapped around the most liberal budget package proposed to the Bundestag yet. There were some worries that Scholl might not be able to deliver for her hyper-liberal base while delivering for independents who care more about economic issues rather than the social issues that many say drove Scholl's DfV to victory. The budget package was otherwise clear-cut and standard; the same levels of funding for infrastructure and other programs, but increases are made to "New Generation" social welfare programs, public community development programs, and reductions in unnecessary military spending. The most liberal part of the agenda, however, came with the four final points: The banning of non-essential conscription, the renunciation of violence and armed conflict as a primary instrument of U.S. defense and foreign policy, and the denunciation of the War in Vietnam and reiterated German commitments to a peace deal between East and West. | | Immediately, the Chancellor and her government faced criticism for what opponents - and there were many - described as overly wordy or unnecessary in some parts. Protests and counter-protests erupted in the country as various forces sought to secure dominance in the new political age of Germany. Chancellor Scholl and her government here displayed the prowess with which they aimed to guide the country into the future. They buried their heels and refused to make any significant concessions in negotiations with their Free Democratic Party (FDP) coalition partners, who were skeptical about military spending cuts and the expansion of social welfare budgets. The Christian Democrats slammed the budget proposal as a "clear betrayal of German allies near and far" and called Scholl's decision to support denunciation of the Vietnam War a "sign of their clear lack of foreign policy and diplomatic experience". Ludwig Erhard, opposition leader, opened lanes of attack against the governing DfV, but Scholl's government resisted hard, opening vicious floor debates where DfV deputies defended firmly their government's budget. | | Eventually, with the backing of the FDP, a watered-down version of the budget that pleased as many people on the left as possible. It was one point for Germany's progressives in this round of political gamesmanship. While the denunciation of the Vietnam War, military cost reductions, and renunciation of violence and armed conflict as a national instrument of policy were not included in the final budget passed, Scholl pledged to keep fighting for the "issues that matter", pointing to her success in bridging the increasingly vast CDU-SPD divide. Some progressives chafed at the idea of their government partnering closely with the free market FDP, but by and large, many within the ruling government coalition supported reaching compromises to get things done. | ______
Arcanda, Cascadla, Nippon-Nihon, Metropolitan Francais, and 4 othersTallahan, Maziya, Spain-, and Zingium |
The Republic of Northern Rhodesia (1965-1970) The rise of Northern Rhodesia is one that the world did not expect. After the independence of Rhodesia on November 11,1965, the Republic of Northern Rhodesia would follow suit in November 20, 1965. The premise is the same: white minority rule much like South Africa and Rhodesia. The third such country that has white minority rule in Africa. The largest city known as Rottingham was becoming a modern city under the African sun rivaling the modernity of Johannesburg or Sailsbury. And the capital city of New Edinburgh a beauty among all the capitals in the region known for it's rising urban core and remains of the Victorian and Edwardian eras. The little sister of New Edinburgh, Victoria Bay is a modern beach resort as well as port city along Lake Malawi. It's beauty the backdrop of the hills and the lake. President Robert Kingsman has become the head of state with the head of government as Prime Minister George Wright. The legislative of Northern Rhodesia the 100 member single chamber Northern Rhodesian General Assembly. The chamber is dominated by the far right wing National Front the party of the Prime Minister. The official opposition of the right wing North Rhodesia Party and the third parties of the left wing, Democratic Party and Green Party. Over the last 2 years alone, the Wright government and the National Front has pushed a even harsher segregation policies than ever before. Including creating black slums and small homelands similar to Native American reservations of the Old American West. With the black population being prohibited from living in White or Asian communities but allowed to work and visit white areas during curfew hours only. Other policies prohibit blacks from owning land outside of slums or homelands. Interracial marriages are prohibited. Education up to a competition of high school are required for all residents regardless of race. Though education such as college or university are reserved for Whites and Asians. The Northern Rhodesian Defense Force has been at the forefront of security and defense of the country. While the bush war counties and has been going on since 1963 it has only recently escalated with an increase even harsher restrictions on the black majority. Northern Rhodesia can be described as a police state warry of communism and any attempts of a power grab or sharing of power with the black majority. The white population has ballooned in recent years because of a settler campaign encouraging whites to move in for a better life. |
★ ＡＬ－ＭＵＫＨＡＢＡＲＡＴ ＡＬ－ＡＲＡＢＩＹＹＡ ★ "Events are not a matter of chance." _________________
[REDACTED] 1970 - [REDACTED]
In recent years, there has been somewhat of a discontent that the United Arab Republic has not taken...certain actions to ensure the dominance of Arab Nationalist elements in the Sudanese government. Nonetheless, Sudan has never really went out of its way to become more than just a minor issue, though there were alarm bells all over during the normalization process with the Israeli enemy, though it was 'conveniently' overlooked due to the special status of Egypt and Sudan. In recent years however, it had become apparent that for the future, especially in the wake of the 1967 Setback, that nothing can be left up to chance and that the status of the Sudanese question must be settled. Thankfully for Cairo, the opportunity almost came to them served on a golden platter. Their fellow Intelligence head in Khartoum had begun to plot against the government, something that the UAR's services confirmed through its sources in the S.I.R.A quickly enough. Ga'afar Nimeiry seemed like a quite perfect option, a military strongman with no strong ties to any ideology, a mercenary unlikely to cause much problems for his neighbors up north. For the SIRA to step in and acquisition the top seat required first a scene of chaos in which they were the only sane institution left. Once again, the Mukhabarat had a chance right on their laps. It is no secret that despite the Socialist veneer that the United Arab Republic exudes, that it opposes the proliferation of any Communist presence on Arab land, due to the view of Communism as an atheistic foreign import. For the UAR politicians like the head of the Sudanese Communist Party, Abdel Khaliq Mahjub, were nothing short of an existential threat especially as Mahjub's writing found its way to some of Egypt's intelligentsia. In a bid to eliminate two birds with one stone, the GIS and SIRA approved a joint operation to assassinate Mahjub and begin setting up a scene of chaotic political violence that would force the SIRA to eventually step in and restore order. The decision to assassinate Mahjub was not a hard one, being a radical Communist in the Middle East meant he had no shortage of enemies, and the "brave" soldier put himself in harm's way out of a false sense of martyrdom more often than not. Really, all that was needed was one bullet in the middle of a speech, later to be claimed by an 'Islamist' front operated by the GIS and the work was done. Quick and efficient, as the GIS had established as their modus operandi for many years. Repercussions were anything but simple of course, immediately the next day following Mahjub's death, the entire leftist current in Sudan was in uproar and had all but declared a unilateral decision to combat Sudanese Islamists and Mahdists. The nation was in no threat to collapse any time soon, its institutions were much stronger than that, but one of many steps forward towards a land of undistilled chaos was achieved. |
Hey, I have a question. Am I allowed to claim any land for my country? |
The Great Game (Intermission): The Unexpected Entry of the Athletes As Indonesia’s elite played a high stakes game for the future of the nation, undercutting and plotting against one another the country continued on as usual. Ordinary life, both inside and outside the nation went on as if nothing grand was happening behind the scenes. Perhaps, one of the greatest symbols of this was Indonesia’s continuing participation in international sport. Indonesia had sent a delegation to the 1968 Summer Games and its national team had fought for a spot in the prestigious FIFA World Cup. Much to the frustration and embarrassment of many Indonesians, the country had underperformed in both. No medals during the Summer Olympics and Indonesia’s National Football Team, arguably its most popular national sports team, had failed to qualify both for the regional Asia Cup and for the coveted World Cup. The bottom line was that Indonesia was seriously behind when it came to sport. Indonesia’s failure to qualify or even stand out significantly in international sport didn’t go unnoticed by the average Indonesian. Young Indonesians in particular, the majority of whom had access to radio and television were very invested in the country’s performance abroad and upon seeing it underperform they made their complaints known. Over the next few months, the offices of both the President and the People’s Consultative Assembly were inundated with letters demanding that the government act to support Indonesian sport. Athletes from the Indonesian Olympic Committee and the Indonesian Football Association along with several other national sport organizations signed letters of protest to President Suharto and the Speaker of the Assembly, Abdul Haris Nasution who in their eyes had done little to support national sport. However, it wasn’t until the Indonesian Student’s Action Front (KAMI) became involved that the demands of Indonesia’s athletes were finally heard. The Action Coordination Committee (Komite Koordinasi Tindakan - KKT) signed the letters penned by the Indonesian Football Federation and Olympic Committee, prompting both Suharto and Nasution to take some form of action or risk angering the nation’s most powerful youth group. Both national sporting groups had made simple demands. They wanted support from the National Government, additional funding and better infrastructure to train their athletes. The Olympic Committee in particular requested that Jakarta provide them with resources to form a national scholarship program to attract young talent to sports, taking advantage of Indonesia’s youth moving to the cities in search of better opportunities and a better education. KAMI’s intervention and a strange and growing interest by the Radikal faction eventually pushed both Nasution and Suharto to work together to make their demands a reality. While rare, both Suharto and Nasution had seen the threat posed by such a seemingly contentious issue. To many, sport was a symbol of national pride and prestige, and that had been enough for many radicalized students to back efforts to ensure Indonesia properly invested in its athletes. Refusing to support them could be interpreted as rejection of Pancasila. After all, wasn’t nationalism and pride in the nation one of the only things keeping Indonesia together? In the end, Indonesia’s athletes received what they wanted and more. Motivated largely by self-preservation, Nasution and Suharto had agreed to give national sporting bodies significant autonomy and authority over funding provided by the National Government. The People’s Consultative Assembly unamimously passed two bills related to sports. One, dubbed the Sports in Education Act would provide funding for the expansion of sports infrastructure in high schools and universities and provide scholarships for students based on their performance and recognized athletic talents, and gives the Ministry of Education a mandate to expand the curriculum to include physical education as a main part of all schools across the country. The second bill, dubbed the Patriotic Sports and Youth Enrichment Act, forms the MPR Committee on Sports tasked with specifically hearing the concerns of national sports organizations. The bill goes further by mandating that annual budgets contain funding for sports adjusted for inflation and finally, it also declares specific sports as having “national importance.” These were listed as:
These sports would receive additional funding, including extra support for infrastructure and the training of new athletes. Finally, the Act also includes a provision for the construction of a so-called “national sports center” in Indonesia’s future capital. This final section of the bill was added by Suharto at the last minute despite opposition from Nasution who saw it as excessive and unnecessary. Despite his opposition, blocking the bill would have been disastrous for the MPR, giving the President the upper hand in short-lived conflict. While the new laws have certainly satisfied the high demands of Indonesia’s athletes, only time will tell if state support for sport will propel Indonesia forward in international sport as fast as many within the sports community believe. Regardless, emotions have died down on the issue and now, many within the top national sporting organizations particularly the Football Association of Indonesia and the Indonesian Olympic Committee have gathered to begin the difficult task of distributing government funding and outline plans for the future of Indonesian sport. |
A Successor to Cantave?: The Last Caudillo or Iron Pants February - March 1970 | As Prime Minister Léon Cantave lay dead, his political party, the Haitian Action Party (PAA), would meet to decide the fate, and direction of their party. While many candidates threw their hat into the ring, including the current interim Prime Minister Franck Lavaud, only two men appeared as suitable replacements for the late Prime Minister, Joaquín “the Last Caudillo” Balaguer, and Paul “Iron Pants” Magloire. Each man presented radically different ideas for their version of Haiti. The Last Caudillo | Strongmen built Haiti, they ruled Haiti, and they have saved Haiti more than once. Liberalism, and weak democracy had brought civil war, segregation, and foreign occupation. This was the line of reasoning Joaquín Balaguer followed. His faction, often referred to as the Conservatives, or the Cantavists, argued that an authoritarian hand was needed in Haitian politics. Not only did they believe all of Cantave’s restrictions on press, media, and assembly should remain, they believed elections should remain narrow, restricted, and infrequent. Pushing for meritocracy, technocracy, and authority, they represented the authoritarianism that exemplified the Cantave regime. The Achilles heel of the Cantavists would be the economy. Cantave’s economic policy favored excessive state intervention, high taxation, and protectionism, with state ownership of the economy drastically increasing to offset declining exports. These policies did little to save the stagnant economy, which had contracted in the 1960s, nearing the end of Cantave’s regime. While Balaguer provided some promises for economic recovery, mainly favoring massive civilian projects to stimulate economic growth, the failures of the economy would plague his faction and prevent his rise. Iron Pants | When someone looks at Paul Magloire, most do not expect him to be a liberal. A military general, he was among the highest-ranking members of the Haitian military next to Cantave who participated in the 1946 coup. Nonetheless, while agreeing the fall of the Mulattocracy was necessary, Magloire and Cantave quickly split on what to do next. Cantave and his supporters ardently supported the rigorous dismantlement of democracy, enshrining of military dictatorship, and firm control of the economy. Meanwhile, Magloire and his supporters who would become the main instrument and body of the party favored a more light hand towards ruling. While kept in the shadows politically, Magloire’s popularity and charisma ensured that when Cantave finally died, his chance to rule had come. Favoring as he called it “State Guidance not State Dominance” Magloire adopted ideas he had seen from Scandinavia, Korea, Singapore, and Japan, pushing forward the idea of totally restored elections, maintaining bans of radical parties, speech, assembly, etc, while liberalizing restrictions for everyone else. Economically, tax reduction, self-made welfare, and the transferring of state-owned industries into private management under a state-owned holdings company. The Victory for Liberalization | The Haitian Action Party met in the Haitian Parliament building. There they would begin to cast their votes for who would be the next party leader, and by extent Prime Minister of the Haitian nation. As everyone cast their votes, the parliament sat in anticipation. Interim Prime Minister Franck Lavaud read the results, announcing that Paul Magloire had secured the party’s nomination to be the new party leader, and Prime Minister. While the parliament exploded into debate, with the Cantavist faction being the loudest screaming their rejections, Joaquín Balaguer sat quietly, politely clapping at the announcement, even as his faction seethed in rage. Above all, Balaguer was a political operative and a snake; if the Cantavists failed he would not attach himself as the hip to them. Even when given the “punishment” of being named president, and so being stripped of any real ability to effect policy, and being excluded from the party for the next decade, Balaguer still made the most of it, diving headfirst into economic management of the reforming of state-owned enterprises and the new state-owned holdings company. Ironically, in defeat, Balaguer became far more popular than he likely ever would have been as the Prime Minister. For Magloire his mandate was now secure, and the liberalization of Haiti would begin. |
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LWSAEGMPXT8&t=50s
𝐒𝐢𝐠𝐥𝐨 𝐗𝐗 - 𝟏𝟗𝟔𝟗 | 𝙴𝚂𝚃𝙰𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝙼𝙴𝚇𝙸𝙲𝙰𝙽𝙾𝚂 In the aftermath of the glorious Mexican Revolution, a new era of politics had at long last arrived for the people of Mexico. From the top of a mountain of corpses, Mexico's enlightened despots, Alvaro Obregon and Pultarco Elias Calles, would dictate to the unwashed masses the new order of things. An order of peace and progress—all that was needed for this great change was just a little more blood and a little more violence. More so by Calles, who was the one to establish the National Revolutionary Party (PNR) in 1929, setting the stage for the one-party rule that would dominate Mexican politics for decades to come. Calles would come to power after Obregon's assassination on July 17th, 1928, by a Catholic fanatic opposed to his anti-clerical laws. Calles, known as "The Jefe Maximo," would implement policies that centralized all politics under the PNR while also cracking down on opposition and dissent through harsh tactics such as the infamous Cristero War. Despite his presidential term ending in 1928, Calles would not simply withdraw from Mexican politics but rather conduct political maneuvers within the PNR to keep a tight hold on future presidents of Mexico and continue his political will. This era of Mexican politics would be known as the "Maximato," as Calles ruled by proxy over three Mexican presidencies: Emilio Portes Gil (1928–1930), Pascual Ortiz Rubio (1930–1932), and Abelardo L. Rodríguez (1932–1934). The Maximato would eventually come to an end when Calles very own political disciple, Lázaro Cárdenas, assumed the presidency in 1934 after the elections. Rather than serve as another pawn for Calles, Cardenas would outmanuver Calles, eventually having him arrested in his own home and immediately exiling Calles from the country. Officially ending the Maximato and the PNR would transform into the PRM, Partido de la Revolución Mexicana. With the end of Calles influences, a new chapter emerged in Mexican politics. Cardenas sought to put an end to the old caduillo system, which had former generals of the Mexican Revolution dictate party policy. Now was the time for a civilian government and a return to the PRI's original support base of rural peasants and working class urbanites. Under the Cardenas presidency, he was renowned for his progressive policies, including agrarian reform and the nationalization of the oil industry, which came under the control of state owned PEMEX. He also implemented social welfare programs, improved working conditions, and protected workers' rights. He supported the formation of labor unions and enacted legislation to establish minimum wage laws, limit working hours, and provide social security benefits for workers. Cardenas would also enact social justice programs to uplift the indigenous population and reconciliation with the Catholic Church by repealing former Calles laws. All around, Cardenas left the presidency popular and beloved by the general population in 1940. After Cardenas, the country entered what many referred to as a golden age of economic prosperity, dubbed the ''Mexican Miracle" in the 1950's . The PRM's name would undergo its final name change under President Avila Camacho to the PRI, or Partido Revolucionario Institucional, to symbolize the final consolidation of a new modern civilian government. After a decade of economic abundance and political dominance, the PRI began to face challenges in the 1960s as social unrest and dissatisfaction with the one-party system grew. The economic developments of the 40s and 50s led to the birth of an emerging Mexican middle class that increasingly saw the dominance of the PRI in a negative light. Various worker unions also began causing ripples, more so the national teachers syndicate, which saw itself at odds with the administration of President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz. Ordaz, a long time PRI politician, assumed the presidency in 1964. Compared to the previous administrations, Ordaz's had an authoritarian streak and was infamous for his inflexibility when dealing with dissent. This led to further tensions and protests within Mexico, culminating in the tragic events of the Tlatelolco massacre in 1968, where hundreds of students were killed by government forces. With corruption scandals, PRI authuritariasm, and the economy setting into decline, it seems the long party is coming to an end.
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Amsterwald, Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Maziya, and 2 othersSpain-, and Slipway |
The Republic Of Sudan • جمهورية السودان
Amidst the election year of 1970, the Sudanese Republic had finally completed 20 years of sovereignty as an independent state, including a decade as a fully-fledged Republic since 1960. However, it had only been 3 years since the last election in 1967, where the streets of Khartoum had felt rather intense, where the air had felt suffocating, your actions watched, and your ability to trust strangers on the streets dwindled by the day. Those three years had blanketed Khartoum in an era of suspicion and paranoia, all under the watch of the military police occupation now existing within the limits of the capital city. Deployed after the 1967 Khartoum riots, Provincial and local municipal police departments have increased in patrols and numbers, along with help from members of the Sudanese Defense Force stationed in Khartoum. The deployment of troops to the capital had all occurred under the guidance and recommendations of the SIRA to the Presidential Administration, in response to the horrendous riots that rattled the city back in 1967. The Nimiery Directory of the SIRA benefited greatly from this deployment. Soldiers on the streets under the command of high-ranked military allies meant more power involved in Nimiery’s restoration of peace and order initiatives, should the outcome of the upcoming election prove chaotic. It also provided him with the help he needed to bring and arrest dissenters, and deemed political threats to the capital if necessary. However, it’s becoming increasingly speculated amongst opponents and those critical of Nimeiry and the Lwoki Administration, that the continuous spurs of violence are a symptom of a crumbling corrupt regime attempting to sow the seeds of chaos and instability to promote and justify a hostile authoritarian take over of the Sudanese State. But those speculations fail to rise amidst Sudan’s rising sectarian ideology, especially amongst Islamists, Arab Nationalists, and Communists, putting the moderate establishment Nimiery is devoted to protecting, under the threat of hostile takeover. It had seemed with the help of some dark foreign powers, the SIRA’s plot to secure the seat of power for Nimiery was rolling straight down Barlaman Avenue, amidst the chaos and frenzy following the assassination of the political leader of the Sudanese Communist Party, Abdel Khaliq, which many now pin the responsibility of his death on the Islamist Faction of the Mahdi Umma Party, that had for long planned to establish a theocratic state under the Mahdi lineage. The MUP, now accused of political treachery with no serious evidence to land any of its members behind bars, had found itself at odds with the coalition’s government vision of a secular democracy in Sudan. The MUP’s position in a future coalition government with any of Sudan’s factions has now entirely been eviscerated by what many label a show of hostility. On the street level, it had seemed that the communists in retaliation to the deaths of their leader, had declared a shadow war against the Mahdi Party, and inadvertently, the government itself, which had long opposed the communists as harbingers of atheism and foreign deviancy to the country. This shadow war had transpired to minor yet serious clashes amongst several groups throughout the country. In Berber Province, rumors had spread that the communists had torched an Islamist institution, angering many of the country’s self-acclaimed religious devotees to Islam, regardless of their political affiliation. This had in turn also further sparked anti-government hostilities, much of which were directed at the southern and Christian President, along with the Islamists now accusing the Liberal Party’s ideology of federalism as actively dividing and undermining the unity of a strong Muslim north. As peace continued to crumble and the political cohesion of a united nation devolved even further, President Lwoki began questioning his position in the 1970 election, even considering in private discussions with the cabinet, to postpone the elections in the aftermath of the Khaliq’s assassination and the recent Islamist Communist clashes amongst themselves and also against his government. A disaster for the President, however a perfect case scenario for the SIRA’s Director who had attended this cabinet emergency meeting. Nimiery is about to have the opportunity to finally put the government and country in line, and return the country to its much-needed stability and restoration of confidence in their government. A confidence that he had actively undermined, to rattle the foundations on which this facade of the Republic has been built. ———————————————
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Febuary 1970 T H E S T A R L E D G E R Governor Cahill Launches Bold Anti-Corruption Agenda in Inaugural Address, Promising Comprehensive Reforms for New Jersey
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West Indies Federation - Port-of-Spain February 1970: An Unstable Unity The West Indies Federation was born out of the idealism of the pro-independence, pan-caribbean initiative and spurred forth by the agreements in London for our own independence. The formative years were one of internal strife and fractures that nearly tore this nation apart before it had time to establish itself, the leeward islands opted out, divisions between Trinidad and Jamaica nearly ripped the federation apart, yet we put aside our challenges for the sake of our unity. Now, just 12 years after our formation in 1958, our institutions are solid and the foundations secure, or so we would like to believe. Our institutions still remained shackled by the old colonial system. Besides the PM a majority of our cabinet is white, our banks run by whites, our school boards, even the beloved carnival still prefers the light-skinned for beauty contests. The commanding heights of our economy are still held by foreign whites or local whites, and our own people are not given the means for advancement. It cannot stand, and for many now, it will not. The Black Power Movement, an anti-imperialist and anti-colonial idealist movement formed by Jamaican and Trinidadian scholars alike, has taken the spotlight as hundreds of striking poor workers and angry students began a march through Port-of-Spain. They waved the Pan-African green, black and red banners, carried portraits of Fidel Castro, Kwame Ture and Uriah Butler. Such scenes had not been seen in Trinidad since the labor uprisings of the 1930s, as police and protestor brawled on the avenue, the opportunistic robbers slashed store windows and the impassioned threw stones. After 3 days of riots, the National Joint Action Committee, the leading organization of the movement, formally broke off the Port of Spain Riots. Small scale demonstrations are still continuing across the Federation, and the possibility of things escalating is still high. What was 100 could turn to 1000, what were stones could turn to bullets. Prime Minister Eric Williams has begun his counteraction plan. Williams is perhaps uniquely suited to calming the BPM, his work on Capitalism and Slavery and his knowledge of the political system make it clear that he personally supports the overall ideals. The issue is making the movement believe that, and at the same time saving his political career and face of the international community by not appearing as "anti-white". Making a radio announcement, he declares that "I am for Black Power.", he continues, "The Black Power Movement enlisted the sympathy of a number of people, especially young people, who bitterly resented discrimination against black people, both here and abroad. This is a legitimate grievance and I would have been no party to any attempt to repress it.” Following he went to continue that the, "Black Power Movement has degenerated into race hatred and even attacks on black business in Tobago and Point Fortin. These cannot stand further, and we will address all events as they fit." Making good on that promise, he has announced a 5% levy to fund black unemployment campaigns and officially opened the nation's first local commercial bank. This should be seen as a sign of progress, and the listening of the people, yet the effects are still yet to come. |
| FIRST OF FEBRUARY | PREMIER FÉVRIER | | 1970 | DRC ★ DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO RDC ★ RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO | THE LEOPARD OF ZAIRE: | THE MAN - L'HOMME | A former soldier of the Colonial army and later journalist promoting independence Mobutu Sese Seko has lived a crazed life of many changes and shocks. Mobutu was born in Northern Belgium Congo in the city of Lisala to a Ngbandi family, his mother a maid and father a cook for a Belgian judge. His disobedience in his youth led to him being forced into the Colonial Army of the Belgians which he served in for seven years creating a militant discipline within the young man. While in service he continued to educate himself and even found himself writing pro-independence articles for magazines while inside the Colonial Army after leaving the Colonial army he entrenched himself further into politics and journalism. The Congo crisis allowed him to distinguish himself to western politicians. Many called him an excellent pragmatist and a proponent of Common sense compared to the rest in positions of power in the Democratic Republic of the Congo such as Patrice Lumumba who worried the west with his favoritism towards the Soviets and leftist thought. During the crisis a dispute between Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu allowed Mobutu to enact a bloodless coup to establish a government of technocrats. Lumumba’s actions to try to thwart Mobutu’s first coup led to his future execution. With assistance by Kasa-Vubu Mobutu firmly established power in both the Political sphere and the Military which allowed him to end the Simba and Kwilu rebellions. Mobutu was not satisfied with his brief stint in complete power though which ended after the crisis. A stalemate occurred in the government post crisis between Tshombe’s presidency and its refusal to confirm Kimba’s confirmation to become the nation's Prime Minister. At the age of thirty-five in 1965 he conducted his second bloodless coup against the Congolese government. He declared a state of emergency giving him near totalitarian status in the nation for five years and banned political parties blaming them for the ruin in the Congo. Later in the year most power of the state was concentrated in Mobutu and his cabinet. In 67’ the Popular Movement of the Revolution was established as the sole political party in the DRC and progress Mobutu’s mission in transforming the DRC forever. | THE PARTY - LA FÊTE | The official party stance was officialized in 67’ with the Manifesto of N’sele. This manifesto laid out what Mobutuism and Authenticité are, the cornerstones of the Popular Movement of the Revolution. Mobutuism claimed to be an ideology of “neither Right, nor Left” ; a third position culminated through Mobutu Thought and the ideals of a continual never ending Revolution to cleanse and progress the Congo for eternity. The revolution called for extreme pragmatism to guide the Congo through the turmoil it has faced previously and will continue to face for decades to come. Its strongest point though was the intense disdain and distrust of communist thought as Mobutu has shown with the severing of relations with the eastern bloc and a full embrace of western support for his regime at large. For the people of the Congo the party promised a strong central government, sweeping reforms to better labor conditions, creation of an authentic identity, and complete economic independence. Authenticité is the campaign to effectively force an authentic national identity across the Congo to combat ethnic tensions, tribalism, and regionalism. One major movement of this campaign is the removal of remaining colonial culture within the Congo including the changing of individuals name such as Mobutu Sese Seko himself formerly Joseph-Désiré Mobutu and the renaming of Cities and towns within the country such as Kinshasa which used to be called Léopoldville. ”Authenticité has made us discover our personality by reaching into the depths of our past for the rich cultural heritage left to us by our ancestors. We have no intention of blindly returning to all ancestral customs; rather. We would like to choose those that adapt themselves well to modern life, those that encourage progress, and those that create a way of life and thought that are essentially ours. - L'Authenticité nous a fait découvrir notre personnalité en puisant au plus profond de notre passé le riche héritage culturel que nous ont légué nos ancêtres. Nous n’avons pas l’intention de revenir aveuglément à toutes les coutumes ancestrales ; plutôt. Nous aimerions choisir ceux qui s'adaptent bien à la vie moderne, ceux qui encouragent le progrès et ceux qui créent un mode de vie et de pensée qui sont essentiellement les nôtres.” Authenticité was an ideology that Mobutu has successfully been using to establish his strong Cult of personality that after five years of rule has only grown stronger by the day. Mental decolonization would also find an enemy in the Christian churches of the DRC allowing Mobutu to force all Christians into the four remaining legal churches: Kimbanguist Church, the Catholic Church, Eastern Orthodox Church, and Church of Christ in Congo. All remaining sects would be forced to assimilate into these four legal churches. | THE STATE - L'ÉTAT | Since 67’ the MPR has acted with complete power being the only political party to nominate candidates for elections. The position of President had been given immense power with the abilities to admit and dismiss and determine their responsibilities of nearly all political positions within government. The bicameral legislature was replaced with a unicameral Legislative council. President Mobutu was also allowed to rule by executive decree as he pleased alongside the use of security forces as he pleased. PEACE-JUSTICE-WORK! PAIX-JUSTICE-TRAVAIL ! |
-- SOUTHERN RHODESIA -- ╾╾╾╾╾╾╾╾╾╾╾╾ FEBRUARY 1970 |-| THE POWER STRUGGLE |-| Rhodesia's two largest parties will begin a power struggle in a rather unconventional way. The Rhodesian Front and Ian Smith ZAPU The General Election; a Power Struggle begins |
★ ＵＮＩＴＥＤ ＡＲＡＢ ＲＥＰＵＢＬＩＣ ★ "Fear is, I believe, a most effective tool in destroying the soul of an individual - and the soul of a people." ANWAR EL-SADAT _________________
𝐑𝐄𝐕𝐎𝐋𝐔𝐓𝐈𝐎𝐍𝐀𝐑𝐘 𝐒𝐓𝐄𝐏 𝐅𝐎𝐑𝐖𝐀𝐑𝐃 FEB 1970 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC
The emergence of Khalid Muhyi al-Din as the head of the Arab Socialist Union restarted this process, and it soon became apparent that a new path was once again necessary. The Arab Socialist Union suffered too many issues and its conflicting paths between being an engine for Nasser's policies and its attempt at being its own political organization had caused it to stagnate and it was agreed upon that it would be better to fully reorganize the party. Thus, the main powers in the ASU went to the drawing board, and announced the February 6th Resolution. . Building on the March 30th reforms, the February 6th Resolution is fully the brainchild of Khalid Muhyi al-Din. Drawing on his Marxist background, and his various influences, the Feb 6th Resolution aims to re-organize the Arab Socialist Union along Marxian lines, taking greatest inspirations from Third-World experiments such as in Cuba. The first change comes through the creation of a new political party, the National Progressive Party, which is set to consume the infrastructure existing from the ASU without any of the baggage. The National Progressive Party differs from the ASU in several respects that makes it function more traditionally as a leading political party in the state. It's charter explicitly details its ideology as 'Socialist', and 'Arabist' (unlike the ASU which remained purposefully vague), it operates on the principle of Democratic Centralism, adopting it from the foreign Socialist parties (and even some non-socialist ones such as the Taiwanese Koumintang), which essentially makes all decisions taken by the leadership of the NPP binding after a period of debate and discussion, it creates a new 225-man Central Committee which is to be the main executive organ of the state, which in turn would elect an 8-man Standing Committee which would operation when the Central Committee is not in session. In addition, as one of the first decrees passed by the NPP, factionalism would be banned, thus forcing ideological discipline for Nasser's 'Socialism'. In general, the National Progressive Party is also structured much more like an actual mass party. As part of the reorganization, the National Progressive Party would merge within it the various mass organizations (such as the Socialist Youth Organization) into its own structure, as well as the economic planning committees, thus putting under it most of the state's executive functions such as state planning, youth organizations, the press, and so on. Furthermore, in order to truly cement it as part of the state, a decree parallel to the February 6th Resolution set that each provincial chapter would now have equal power to the provincial governor, with both in effect having equal power though the National Progressive Party's would in practice force ideological subordination from the governors, thus keeping them in check. The state-controlled Arab Trade Union Federation, the only legal national trade union centre, would be under the subordination of the National Progressive Party. One notable consequence of the National Progressive Party was the re-emergence of more radical and socialist sectors of the Arab Socialist Union that were hampered by the non-ideological character of the Arab Socialist Union, such as the youth movement led by Mufid Shehab. With the NPP aiming to be an ideologically driven party, and a leading guide of state activities, it required the emergence of a class of political theorists to drive its development, thus these formerly sidelined ideologues became an important function of the newly created party, creating literature and analysis for the Central Committee. The National Progressive Party would later then hold its first political conference, electing President Nasser as it's Chairman and Khalid Muhyi al-Din as General-Secretary, as well as the 8-man Standing Committee consisting of Gamal Abdel Nasser, Khalid Muhyi al-Din, Anwar Sadat, Hussein el-Shafei, Ali Sabry, Sharawi Gomaa, Sami Sharaf, and the surprising election of Mu'mmar al-Gaddafi. The Standing Committee reflected generally the still large amounts of power held by the Gomaa-Sabry axis, which was the main political power during the Arab Socialist Union, and the general elimination of many of Nasser's previously powerful comrades such as Zakaria Muhyi al-Din who would generally occupy these positions. Elections for the Central Committee itself in the meanwhile would be held later on a pending date. |
𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐘𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐢 𝐖𝐚𝐫 4
-King Salman of Saudi Arabia
| A choice many modern Arabs face today is a choice of war; made by a single man. King Salman openly agreed to declare war on the Yemeni People’s Republic for a long time. Though Arab citizens were neutral with the decision, and some unhappy. As the war progressed for the few months it was in action, the increasing possibilities of a Saudi controlled Yemen seemed inherit. As naval forces surrounded Aden and armies marched for Aden, it seemed the war was already won. Though, a single desicion from one superpower would create a different story. As the Soviet Union began to warn Saudi Arabia that an invasion of Yemen would mean an indirect war with the Soviet Union. Fearing the possibilities, Salman truly looked at the situation and realized he had made an inherit mistake. He immediately arranged for soldiers to be extracted from deep Yemeni cities and be redirected to Shibam or Al-Waidah, depending on the specific instruction. Most went to Shibam, while others to Al-Waidah, the epicenter of the war in the first place. The city slowly became larger as Saudi construction projects to hold over the months. Shibam has not had the same luck, for local citizens put up a fight to be controlled. The local authorities evutnally got it under control and began making themselves home, but this wouldn’t change a thing about the people themselves. | Salman claimed the war to be over and wished to discuss negotiations with the nearby UAR president, Nasser. He told Nasser to meet his brother, Prince Faisal, for a brief meeting regarding the terms of a ceasefire. Nasser came and told the Saudi minister what he wished, and Faisal approved, later Salman did as well. A official ceasefire was ordered on the 17th of February, which became known as the “Day of Silent Smoke”. The Saudi soldiers began returning to Shibam and Al-Waidah and navy assets discontinued regular bombings on the Aden Coasts. The ships went back to Saudi ports on the mainland. As Salman is faced with increasing desperation for an end, he ordered soldiers to stay in Shibam and Al-Waidah and wait for further instruction. The military admirals began following the kings orders and marched back to either Shibam or Al-Waidah. The king was hopeful that maybe the Yemeni would allow territory up to Shibam to be occupied and considered Saudi land, but this was unlikely even by his standards. He did know however they would most likely give up Al-Waidah, which was the most realistic scenario. For now, however, a ceasefire between Saudi Arabia and South Yemen insures a hopeful resolution to a seemingly endless war. |
NIHON BANKOKUHAKURANKAI
オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly!
SUITA, OSAKA — AFTERNOON | Expo ‘70 has growth and harmony as its theme. Workers scurried between incomplete structures. Rumbling around on red scooters, postmen were figuring out their routes. Police officers reviewed strategies to deal with the anticipated number of pickpockets. But there’s no question that Expo will open on time. Before the 1964 Tokyo Olympic Games, chaos likewise reigned, essentially until the hour that the flame was reignited. After that, in a last mad dash of work known to the Japanese as a kamikaze construction charge, the laborers completed everything up to the very last doorknob. At Expo, the same is anticipated. | | Over the course of Expo’s 183 days, visitors from Japan and the 1,000,000 foreign visitors that are anticipated will be inundated with an astounding array of sights, sounds, and smells. The pavilion area is home to 72 nations showcasing their products, creating what observers refer to as the “battle of the rooftops.” Naturally, the Soviet Union and the United States are among the fighters, with the former sporting a striking 339-foot-tall red-and-white sickle-shaped structure and the latter with an oval Fiberglas Beta roof that hugges the ground and is secured to concrete embankments with wires. Buildings in Burma are shaped like royal catamaran barges, those in Hawaii like volcanoes, and those in the Ivory Coast like elephant tusks. Abu Dhabi, a tiny sheikdom on the Persian Gulf, even has a pavilion because, as the Expo brochure states, by participating, it aims to make new friends throughout the world. The general planner, Japanese architect KENZO TANGE, says he enjoys the contrasting effects. He claims that the Furukawa company of Japan constructed a traditional seven-story pagoda, which is the only structure that truly enrages him. The displays are as different as the building design. The United States will exhibit real moon rocks, space suits, and an Apollo 11 lunar module mockup to highlight its lunar victory. Russia will place a strong emphasis on Soviet science, culture, and history as it marks the centennial of Lenin's birth. The fair uses methods that were first introduced in Montreal three years ago, and it offers a number of eye-popping multiscreen light shows together with surreal audio performances. 1,300 loudspeakers set into the walls and ceiling of the Japan steel and iron industries building will dazzle guests with a Song of Steel. | | Visitors to the Expo will have access to a 64-acre Japanese garden with ponds, bridges, cherry trees, twisted pines, bamboos, and teahouses as an escape when they get tired of the displays. With 210 dining establishments designed to serve 235,000 meals daily, they can try anything from Siberian snow grouse to Algerian cous-cous. The Bolshoi Opera, the New York Philharmonic, and the three-mile Daidarsaurus roller coaster are just a few of the entertainment options. Offering an alternative kind of entertainment, radical Japanese students organize protests to voice their opposition to the Establishment in charge of the event as well as the U.S.-Japanese security treaty’s anticipated renewal in June. Protests could also be scheduled to take place in conjunction with foreign leaders’ scheduled visits, so the Japanese police are ready. The majority of the $2 billion invested by the government and business on Expo’s transportation and lodging facilities. Even so, Expo might not be able to accommodate the crowds. Families are being requested to host guests, and all hotel rooms within a two-hour radius of Osaka are already reserved. The worst issues might arise on a recently constructed highway designed to handle 25,000 automobiles per day but expecting an influx of 35,000. Drivers heading to Expo are advised by the police to make sure they have two meals, drinking water, and a portable restroom before they leave. | |
Eesti Metsavennad - We Endure! The flames of freedom still burn bright in the hearts of true Estonians! The occupiers may claim victory, but their grip weakens with each passing day. WE ARE NOT CRUSHED! We, the Forest Brothers, have not been silenced. We live on in the spirit of resistance that courses through the veins of every Estonian. We are the sons of the forest, the ghosts that haunt the occupier's dreams. Our fight continues! Every act of defiance, every raised voice, every flicker of Estonian spirit is a victory against the oppressor. We call on all Estonian hearts to join us! Together, we will: Defend our language and culture! Preserve the traditions of our ancestors! Fight for a free and independent Estonia! Silence is compliance! Let your voices be heard! Join the Forest Brothers! Freedom for Estonia! Eesti jääb! Official flyer of the Forest Brothers |
ŌSAKA BANPAKU
オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly!
SUITA, OSAKA — MORNINGTIME | His Majesty the EMPEROR and several other members of the imperial family entered their private box as the strains of Japan’s national anthem floated over the Senri Hills near Osaka. As paper cranes and multicolored flags swirled around them in the strong breeze, cannons fired a five-gun salute and a 100-member orchestra played the MASARU SATO-written piece Fanfare of the 21st Century. Then two giant robots entered Festival Plaza, along with 110 members of a children’s band that launched into the Expo March. Japan’s Expo ‘70 was officially underway. World’s fairs have been held in the West since Britain’s Prince ALBERT organized his Crystal Palace Exhibition in 1851. But this is the first fair to be held in Asia. Japan, defeated at the end of the war, far surpassed all Asian nations, and most Western nations, in an admirable economic boom that placed it in third place (behind the U.S. and the Soviet Union) among the world's industrial giants. The spectacular Expo ‘70 remains the ultimate symbol of Japan’s growing self-confidence and strength. | | More than $2 billion (much of it for the construction of new roads, subways and housing) were invested in the Expo. Seventy-seven countries (including Hong Kong) have pavilions. The Americans’ exhibit, aimed at Japanese baseball fans, features BABE RUTH’s uniform, a moon rock, and a lunar module. Russia’s exhibit includes two Soyuz rockets that docked in space in 1969 and a replica of composer PETER ILYICH TCHAIKOVSKY’s elegant 19th-century room, with his real grand piano. 50 million Japanese (about half of Japan’s population), as well as 1,000,000 foreigners, are expected to visit the Expo. Japanese police officers are ready to warmly welcome 203 guests — pickpockets whose necessary information has been provided by Interpol; police are also looking for 482 outstanding locals. Most worrying for authorities, however, is the prospect of terrible traffic jams and packed hotels. In Osaka, everything is crowded and even the tiny ryokan, or rural inns, are doing good business. Tokyo is also congested. | |
AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE: CHANGING HANDS, MUSTERING FORCE | 23 September 1967–17 January 1968 | The Valley, Republic of Anguilla, Leeward Antilles | Whilst clandestine supply runs keep the sovereigntist Anguillans emboldened to their cause of independence, the Bradshaw administration in St. Kitts soon began to plan it's mustering of an adequate force to take the necessary actions in restoring Anguilla's place within the tripartite Associated State. On 25 September 1967, Premier Robert L. Bradshaw flew to St. John's in an effort to meet with Antiguan Premier, Vere Cornwall Bird, and establish a consensus on how to proceed against the Anguillan Crisis, as is known outside of Anguilla itself. Months of independence for an entire peoples, reduced to an 'ongoing crisis' by forces ignorant of their plight and way of life. In the eyes of post-colonial Premier's like V.C. Bird and Robert Bradshaw, the expression "might makes right" was a code by which they governed in adherence to. For Vere Bird and Antigua, it would only become a matter of time before copy-cat secessionists revolutionised on Barbuda, part of a duumvirate union-state with Antigua, all the same. Bearing this in mind during his impromptu visit to St. John's, Premier Bradshaw amplified those fears to solicit assistance of Antigua in a unified intervention to repatriate and occupy Anguilla whilst negotiators from the United Kingdom on behalf of the Crown ensure a compromise of return. However, Antigua's support alone was not enough and Bradshaw began forming a campaign around it. By late November 1967, R.L. Bradshaw had made similar visits to Willy H. Bramble, Chief Minister of Montserrat and H. Lavity Stoutt, Chief Minister of the British Virigin Islands. Though the Premier made headway with Stoutt in Road Town, in Plymouth, William Bramble stonewalled most of Bradshaw's plans to garner constables from Montserrat for his aspiring combined police operation. On 11 December 1967, the Anguilla Island Council concluded an agreement over telephone with two members of Parliament wherein for one year, a British official would exercise basic administrative authority alongside Anguilla's governing council and it's chairman, Ronald Webster. The interim agreement would wrench the idea of an intervention, at least for a time. On 8 January 1968, Mr. Tony Lee was sworn in as British Commissioner of Anguilla for this transitory collective administration, to take up residence for the next year within the island trenched in political strife, with armed militants camped out on the South Hill overlook, regularly observing The Valley through binocular lens. All the meanwhile, the hodge-podge equipped Anguillan Gendarme would continue to receive drop shipments from Nevis, with Lee's presence doing little to alter the scope of their cause or bring Tenny Dover down from his commandant's view upon the hillside redoubt. After the new year reared, however, it grew ever apparent that this interim cooperative government agreed upon and exercised by Mr. Tony Lee in conjunction with the Anguilla Island Council was not sufficient enough to guarantee any true lasting solutions regarding the fate of Anguilla, at least not for Anguillans themselves, who will except nothing less than separation, whether from St. Christopher-Nevis-Anguilla or from free association with the United Kingdom altogether. Telephone negotiations between London and The Valley would continue despite the initial December agreement, attempting to permanently remedy the 'crisis' at hand. Speaking before the House of Commons of the United Kingdom on 17 January 1968, Joseph B. Godber, Minister of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, assured that no decision unacceptable to the Anguillan people would be made "under any circumstance". By extension, this relieved the minds of many but not of all. It was clear, Whitehall did not intend to utilise force to solve this crisis, much to the chagrin of Tenny Dover, who viewed peace resolutions as politically disadvantageous. This, perhappenstance, is derived in part from fear that an accord reached peacefully would not only lead to the disarmament of his paramilitary, but would, with equitable measure, stifle the progress made on behalf of Anguillan sovereignty thus far. If the people of Anguilla came under the belief they could achieve political headway through non-violent means, they more than likely would opt to do so rather than to be armed and encamped as an insurgent. Though, Dover had not yet garnered the reactionary reprisal that which he nor the some 250 other Anguillans amongst his band had initially anticipated their independence puscht would. ——  Adriatican Islands  AmsterwaldAnglo channel  Arcanda  Bhaarat Lok  Cascadla  Cheezaslovakia  Connomia  East Germany DDR  Great Britain GB  Greater Kurdistane Hatzburg  Israelli Kewtpuff  Klingenthalerburg  Kotakuan II  Ma-li  Maziya  Metropolitan Francais  Mutawakkiliti Nevbrejnovitz  NewAuroria  New Provenance  Nileia  Nippon-Nihon  OsivoII  Paramountica Paseo  Peking Zhongguo  Pontianus  Provenancia  Ranponian Rio de la plata argentina  Rutannia  Saudi Arabiyah  Socialist Democratic Republic Romania  Spainard  Spain-  The Confederate Prussian Empire  Vancouver Straits  Victoria Harbor Vietnam sv  Virnall |
Northern Rhodesia 1970 Northern Rhodesian General Election On the morning of March 1, 1970, registered voters went to polling stations to cast their ballots in this year's general election. The second election since independence of the Republic. A test of Prime Minister George Wright and the National Front Party's rule. 345,000 voters out of the total 426,000 registered voters a 81% turnout went to cast their votes. The National Front retained their majority albeit smaller. The National Front has promised a motorway and improved national highway network. Another promise is a increase in budget in police, security, and the armed forces. A final promise is to encourage couples to have at least 2 children with a tax credit from the government for each child as well as subsided childcare costs up until the age of 5. The official opposition, the Northern Rhodesia Party promised race rolls similar to Southern Rhodesia and allowing educated and wealthy Africans the same rights as white and Asian residents. Another promise is to establish a public national healthcare system similar to the NHS in the UK. And to decimalize homosexuality. The left wing Democratic Party has promised an end of segregation and a transition to multi racial government under a black majority. Another promise is to expand the white and asian public education system to all people of the country, as well free healthcare for all. The far left wing Green Party has promised to end segregation, a increase in founding to environmental causes such as the creation of new national parks and cleaning up polluted areas. In addition to selling land to black farmers from white and asian land owners with compensation. Prime Minister George Wright has won reelection and will remain Prime Minister. His rule has been tested and he passed the test cast by voters. Prime Minister Wright's party has moved to pass a National Highway improvement and establishment of motorways bill that will transform the country much like it has for South Africa. If passed plans and construction of such motorways and national highway network will begin soon after. Other promises of National Front are said to be in the works. |
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