«12. . .92,17392,17492,17592,17692,17792,17892,179. . .92,19092,191»
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𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐘𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐢 𝐖𝐚𝐫 1
______________________________________________________ | "The state of Saudi Arabia now declares a state of war between the Democratic Peoples Republic of Yemen and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia." Words first spoken by King Salman of Arabia, who officially declared war on the PDRY at the beginning of the new decade on January 3rd, 1970. This meant that Saudi Arabia now had all the means to set up occupation troops in Al-Waidah, the center of the dispute. The troops of Saudi Arabia began moving southwest to more populated towns using the militant present at Al-Waidah, and reinforcements from the capital came to protect the main city. As Saudi Arabia declared war on Southern Yemen, they have had tensions build up all around the country, with radical revolutionists wanting to spread their ideals to Saudi Arabia, also, many involved in the 1969 Rebellions were conceived to be from Southern Yemen. This and many more facts induced the deceleration of war, the previous king, Abdulaziz Saud, who before his death, declared Southern Yemen a, quote, "Threat to the legitimacy of the crown and the rest of Saudi Arabia's peace and security, and threat to the order we enjoy in our state." Statements from other Saudi Royalty sum up quite well. Fasial, the second eldest son and Prime Minister of Saudi Arabia, declared that "South Yemen was an insurgency in the Arabian Peninsula; a rebel state not fit to rule itself!" and other royalty said the same thing with different words. Now, the Saudi Crown begins to send troops to Al-Waidah and the Saudi Army pushes deeper into Southern Yemen, hoping to maybe target one of the larger cities to incapacitate its military capabilities. The army marches to Shibam, one of the larger Yemeni cities to hopefully capture the city. Mutiple smaller settlements along the border have been captured too. Al-Waidah remains deep in Saudi lines, and the government plans for it to stay deep in government lines. | Along with the land invasion, the Royal Navy is enroute to Aden, the capital of the PDRY, and lucky for the Navy, it is located and surrounded by water. The Airforce and Special Forces have begun landing on the east of Yemeni Coasts, as small bombing raids over smaller Yemeni settlements hope to incapacitate local issues faced by the land forces. The Air Forces have also done smaller bombing raids on military bases, especially airforce bases. The airforce begins to prepare for Operation Eamiq, an operation which will not be discussed by any of the Arab military, not even the high ranking officers that know what is to happen with the operation. The Navy, besides the current route to Aden, has also taken detours along the Yemeni Coasts and has had small naval skirmishes along the coast. Southerns found trying to migrate to Saudi Arabia have two options; they can either pay almost impossible fees for the poverty in Saudi Arabia, or they can return to the Southern Yemen and be spared by the Saudi Forces. Many have chosen the ladder, or in other words, the second option. The Military advances and is soon to be meet by the cheers of many, being liberated by poverty, at least this is the estimate.
OPERATION EAMIQ - APPROVAL COMMITTEE |SALMAN BIN ABDULAZIZ AL SAUD Reigning King of Saudi Arabia| "This session has been called forth to discuss the issue of Al-Waidah, or what the Census Committee has dubbed, the Yemeni War. The parliament is to decide military orders after Shibam. The session begins." |FASIAL BIN ABDULAZIZ AL SAUD Prime Minister of Saudi Arabia| "Well I advise that we go to Operation Eamiq after the Shibam conflicts, it presents openings for military success and the potential of doing the Operation after the battle could prove well for troop moral and troop power, especially after a decisive win as such, would only boost moral higher!" |FAHD BIN ABDULAZIZ AL SAUD Minister of Foreign Affairs| "I do not believe that is the route to go. Rather, the military should go around forces of Aden and other cities, and route to border cities on Oman and Northern Yemen. It would prove beneficial to troop health and security, we should look towards options for the strength of troops." |SAUD BIN ABDULAZIZ AL SAUD Minister of General Welfare| "I think in order to protect the interests of the Northern Yemeni officials, we should go around the Northern Yemeni borders with Southern Yemen so we can also get a good look on fortified cities on the west east and south of the DPRY, and can decide the best route to go from there, maybe high ranking military members can direct which city they should attack for betterment of solider welfare." |SALMAN BIN ABDULAZIZ AL SAUD Reigning King of Saudi Arabia| "Is this all?" |FASIAL BIN ABDULAZIZ AL SAUD Prime Minister of Saudi Arabia| "Yes." |FAHD BIN ABDULAZIZ AL SAUD Minister of Foreign Affairs| "Yes." |SAUD BIN ABDULAZIZ AL SAUD Minister of General Welfare| "The Ladder. We can discuss more terms another time, or we could stay and discuss more. However, for now, I believe I have to say yes." |SALMAN BIN ABDULAZIZ AL SAUD Reigning King of Saudi Arabia| "The Foreign Approval Committee will come later tonight to decide a verdict based on replies given today. We close this court session in the name of all the is holy in Allah's eyes. Assalamualaikum wa rahmatullah, Allahu Akbar." | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Crisis of Al-Wadiah
In an unprovoked attack by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Saudi forces stormed the southern-right border with Saudi Arabia in several locations, and also occupied the city of Al-Wadiah. In a shock to the leadership of the People's Republic of South Yemen, the President Qahtan al-Qarani declared a state of emergency in the country and ordered every Yemeni man who can fight and owns a weapon to come forward to the leadership of his province, where it was decided The government began forming a popular army from the population to defend the cities and villages, while the Minister of Defense Brigadier Adnan al-Hadrami decided to send two infantry battalions to attack and liberate the deposit from the hands of the aggressor forces. The Yemeni forces are distinguished by their being well trained by the British army, as most of them belong to the Hadrami Bedouin Legion, and some of them have He actually fought battles against the British forces during the revolution, while Commander of Air Forces Colonel Yahya al-Azm ordered sending four BAC Jet Provost aircrafts to survey the locations of the Saudi forces, to inform the Ground Forces Command, and to prepare for possible air strikes on the aggressors’ positions. On the one hand, the Prime Minister began sending multiple messages to the Soviet Union, America, Britain, and France, the United Arab Republic, to intervene and stop the Saudi aggression on the lands of southern Yemen, explaining that the matter is dangerous and that the Saudis are threatening peace in the region and threatening the security of one of the most important waterways, which is the Bab al-Mandab Strait.
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RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE FRENCH BUREAUCRACY MINISTÈRE DE L’ÉCONOMIE & FINANCES ______ MINISTRY OF ECONOMICS & FINANCE: FRENCH BUSINESSMEN SIZE UP THE COMPETITION WITH JAPAN BY EXPANDING MARKETS | HELM OF PROGRÉS, MINISTÈRE DE L’ÉCONOMIE & FINANCES - | As the world embraces the dawning of the new decade, France continues to set its sights on becoming a major economic and global trading power. Thanks to the first postwar "economic miracle," the French got a long head start in penetrating world export markets. Even in 1968, France's total exports of roughly $37 billion was more than double Japan's exports of nearly $16 billion. However the generally lower-priced Japanese goods have been slicing through the global markets and threatening to knockout the French lead in many areas of the world that some French businessman are anxious about what they call the "yellow peril" to their foreign sales. The Japanese gains have been greatest in the vast U.S. markets. Ten years ago, France shipped 30% of all foreign electrical goods sold in the U.S., Japan very little. Today, the Japanese share has climbed to roughly half, while the French share has shrunk to match West Germany's share at 6%—and even that 6% is being threatened. Japanese firms, having nearly taken over the U.S. market for foreign-made radios, TV sets and tape recorders, are beginning to challenge the traditional French dominance in heavy electrical machinery as well. Peugeot and Renault remain the most popular imported cars in certain parts of the world such as Africa, but their sales through November slipped 4% below the 1965 period. One reason: phenomenal sales gains of 80% for Japanese-made Toyotas and of 52% for Datsuns. Despite the increasing Japanese challenge, France remains ahead in steel production and shipbuilding. French exporters remain in jeopardy of losing their markets in the People's Republic of China over the tensions with Taiwan, however the French export markets throughout much of Asia remain open for business despite the rising competition. French businessmen have found the expanding Asian markets to be quite lucrative and a recent decree signed by President Georges Pompidou has authorized incentives and tax breaks for French businesses that manage to secure trade deals with overseas clients in Asia. With Japan quickly rising to challenge the position of the French economic situation, a number of French businessmen have began looking into certain areas of the Japanese economy for any "weak spots in the markets" where French businesses could be brought in to dominate. Ubifrance and AFII (French Agency for International Investments) has sent agents over to scope things out and help facilitate the development and inductions of new French businesses in Tokyo and Osaka. Any largescale investments for new branches of some of France's biggest companies require securing a contract with the Japanese government. The newly appointed Foreign Minister Maurice Schumann at the direction of Georges Pompidou achieved the facilitation of getting contracts for Peugeot, Aérospatiale, Socarenam (shipbuilding), Framatome. With Japan's first commercial nuclear reactor, the Tokai Power Station coming online in 1966; Japan is emerging into the world of nuclear energy. Framatome is one of the largest nuclear reactor businesses in the world and the largest in France. It is hoped that Framatome will be able to help design and build some of Japan's new powerplants. Additionally Socarenam which is a shipbuilding company based in Calais will hopefully be instrumental in constructing merchant vessels, fishing vessels, tugboats, platform supply vessels, and diving support vessels for Japan and surrounding countries. Peugeot and Aérospatiale on the other hand will have their hands full as they will primarily be marketing their products in a competitive Japanese market that already has a list of proven car and plane manufacturers. |
VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE! VIVE LA FRANCE! VIVE L’EMPIRE!
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La Cantavecratie 1946 - 1970 | Haiti is no stranger to strongmen. From King Henri I, to the U.S. occupation dictator Florvil Hyppolite, but perhaps no leader since Henri has been as important as Léon Cantave. Fall of the Mulattocracy | When the U.S. occupation ended in 1911 after 20 years of U.S. backed dictators, the society they left behind was radically different. Even before the U.S. occupation, Haitian society had often been stratified and tense between the different races. However, when the U.S. occupied the nation they brought with them the racial segregation, and favoritism so common in America. White Haitians who made up 11% of the population; along with Mixed-Race Haitians who made up around 40% were placed in positions of power, and granted wide sweeping privileges under the U.S. regime. Such a heavily racialized and stratified system was always unstable and prone to changes. The Great Depression would be that change, shattering the Haitian export based economy like a sledgehammer. Even the Second World War did little to help the Haitian economy, as sugar, coffee, and other exports generally fell as much of the west laid under the German boot. Slow and sluggish economic performance prompted leftist growth, leading to brutal suppressions of press, and opposition political parties by the Haitian government. In the increasing deterioration, and suppression of the left wing communists, Haiti would see rise of black ultranationalist movements like Duvalier-Noirisme and whitening movements like Trujillo’s Dominican Movement, would begin to gain traction among the lower classes, tired of generations beaten down by the government. As race war seemingly sat on the horizon, the government would continue to remain inert and unwilling to intervene or acknowledge the problems. The election of Élie Lescot would be the breaking point, another wealthy mixed-race creole who had bought his way into power. Seeing no other alternative to reform the government within, General Léon Cantave would launch a military coup of the Haitian government in 1946, with the support of the United States, and military men inside the country. On the steps of the National Assembly, Cantave declared: “Today the Mulattocracy which has plagued and strangled this nations development for so long, is at an end!” The Haitian Puppeteer (1946 - 1970) | Despite initial beliefs that Cantave would make himself president of the new Haitian Republic, everyone was surprised when he accepted the lesser position of Prime Minister. Cantave advocated for a return to the tradition of the founders of the Haitian Republic, this included a dismantling of the powerful presidency, and restoring legislative and executive authority to the Prime Minister, leaving the president as a popular non-partisan figurehead. Elections generally weren’t fair during the so called Cantavecratie, with the Haitian Action Party (Ayiti Akyson) running unopposed for the majority of his term in office. Cantave would begin a process of rapid reform of Haitian society, all discrimination based upon race, ethnicity, and social class would be entirely banned. Government positions would be rigidly handed out entirely upon merit, and corrupt officials would be entirely purged. Religious secularism would be enshrined, with the Catholic Churches principled position in the Haitian government removed. Radical political parties like racial, ethnic, religious, or communist parties would be entirely banned, as well as any press, assembly, or publications that advocated for such positions. Economically, Cantave would struggle to move Haiti from the Great Depression, high tariffs, and excessive government interference would hurt the economic recovery championed by the president. Of course, internal issues would plague Cantave for most of his reign. The Duvalier-Noirisme, and the Whitening Dominican Movement supporters would be driven to insurgency beginning a decades long counter insurgency, with Cantave slowly rooting the groups out. The death of Rafael Trujillo from assassination in 1961, and François Duvalier in 1969 brought great relief to the nation as their movements continued to wither. The Moribund King | As 1970 dawns; however, everyone knows, Lèon Cantave is dying. After over 20 years of rule, stress, ill health, and age have worn down the Haitian Prime Minister. As the Cantavecratie comes to a close, the Haitian Action Party begins to look towards the future, will they follow in the failures of Cantave’s economic policy? Will they maintain the party, press, and assembly restrictions that have slowly clamped down on racial tensions? Perhaps most importantly who will succeed Lèon Cantave, and in which direction will the Haitian Republic move? | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X | "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ" Degenen die een nieuw leven wensen, kijken naar het kleine Nederland... // 10 JANUARI 1970, ZATERDAG DEN HAAG, NEDERLAND // Ā L E AㅤㅤI E C T AㅤㅤE S Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤT H EㅤㅤN E WㅤㅤH O L L A N D
Life as a gastarbeider, or a guest worker, proved to be a harrowing ordeal in Holland. Families pinned their hopes on securing these positions for a shot at a new life in the prosperous West. However, the reality of navigating a foreign land where the language was alien proved to be a daunting challenge. Despite the government's provision of free language courses, the chasm of cultural disparity loomed large, exacerbating the sense of isolation felt by the foreign workers. Confined to their modest government-issued apartments, these families found themselves estranged from the vibrant tapestry of Dutch society. Holland, with its bustling streets and unfamiliar customs, stood worlds apart from their homelands. Overwhelmed by the magnitude of change, the immigrants retreated into self-imposed isolation, clinging to familiarity rather than embracing the unfamiliarity of Dutch life. The palpable timidity emanating from the guest worker families set off alarm bells, raising concerns about the potential for social exclusion and the formation of insular communities. Determined to avert such a troubling trajectory, authorities swiftly implemented a series of measures aimed at fostering the integration and assimilation of newcomers from foreign shores. The first wave of reforms targeted the children of guest workers, instituting strict policies to eradicate the use of languages other than Dutch in schools. Children were not only instructed but actively encouraged to converse solely in Dutch in their daily lives. Specialised language courses tailored to specific foreign groups were established to facilitate more efficient Dutch language acquisition, emphasising the pivotal role of the home environment in driving change. In parallel, efforts were made to curtail the prevalence of foreign languages in commercial spaces and media outlets. Unilingual Dutch signage was promoted, with bilingual signage permitted in certain cases. As a decade elapsed since the influx of guest workers into the Netherlands, the efficacy of these language reforms became increasingly apparent. Foreign residents exhibited notable strides in their integration into Dutch culture and society, signalling a promising long-term outcome for the nation's assimilation efforts. The Netherlands set its sights on granting permanent residencies to select foreign workers by the close of 1970, a proclamation heralded by Minister of Home Affairs, Jan-Douwe Aalderen. To qualify, individuals had to meet three key prerequisites. Foremost among these was a mandate to have worked in Holland for a minimum of three years, ensuring that newly arrived gastarbeiders wouldn't be eligible until they had completed this requisite period of labour. The second criterion entailed achieving a passing score on the Dutch Language Proficiency Test (Taalvaardigheidstest), comprising 100 questions, with a minimum success rate of 65% required. Lastly, applicants were subjected to an interview gauging their comprehension of Dutch culture, customs, and norms. Those who successfully fulfilled all criteria would swiftly be granted permanent residency, ushered through an expedited process. Moreover, recipients of permanent residency were afforded the opportunity to later apply for Dutch citizenship, as confirmed by the Ministry of Home Affairs, thereby solidifying their ties to the nation they now called home. As Holland continues to surge forward, its trajectory marked by growth, change, and newfound heights with each passing hour, the evolving demographic landscape of the country renders guest workers indispensable as fuel to its relentless flames of progress. Yet, amidst this fervent pursuit of advancement, the nation finds itself at a crossroads, tasked with the delicate balancing act of preserving its cherished Dutch values and culture while extending a warm embrace to newcomers. Such careful navigation is imperative to safeguarding the essence of what makes Holland uniquely Dutch, even in the face of rapid transformation and diversification. _______________________________________________
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It’s a long journey to here. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐘𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐢 𝐖𝐚𝐫 1
| Declaring that an injustice has been declared against the kingdom, Saudi Arabia pleads to her allies, notable ones being Yugoslavia and Singapore, to help reinforce the front lines of the war. The allies have digressed, but some immigrants have been allowed to join the army. Saudi Arabia diverts 40% of government funds to reinforce the military, using backup oil reserves, and other necessary components, needed to progress military advancement. More military recruiters are selected, and anyone above the age of 17 is allowed to join the military. The military grew exponentially, with the newfound funding and personnel has increased military power by a large amount, over 6% more military power than before. The British funded English Electric Lightnings had a profound effect during the Battle of Tarim a few days later. The government also took the liberty in liberating the local inhabitants as Saudi citizens. The government continues their march into the heart of South Yemen, bringing ally funded weapons and supplies along with them. Most of the military weapons are Yugoslavian and British, but airforce equipment is acquainted with Singapore. The Royal Navy finally makes it to Aden, and begins bombarding the coast, using torpedoes and Soviet Missiles.The Military continues to decimate enemy supply lines and military capabilities of Yemen, also scoring a moral boosting battle win at Tarim, which ended with 567 Yemeni Casualties with only 200 Saudi Casualties. PRSY Equipment was seized at Al-Waidah, and the Saudi government brought journalists to document the glorious development of Al-Waidah under Saudi rule, in fact, to be closer to the PRSY, a new airbase by the name of 'Salman Royal Waidah Airforce Base' was established 2 miles east of the town itself. | King Salman had a decision; he could decide to push to the capital, Aden, or he could order the forces to halt and stay at Al-Waidah. The ladder was chosen. The forces, looking at the new given order, marched for Aden. The airforce followed the main armed forces battalion, with over 1,200 men marching to Aden. This is a good bulk of Saudi military force, and Salman claimed it was necessary to finally swell a burning fire of 'false teaching' and 'absolute chaos' which 'spread to Saudi Arabia if not faced.' This new incentive leads many to march along Saudi Forces, as reinforcements arrive, as the number of troops going to Aden increases, so does the artillery and weaponry in the battalion. Battle Aircraft also increases above the battalion. As the conflict is sure to come to a swell conclusion, the military marches to Aden and will not allow an insurgent fire to spread; for an ash can burn a forest, and a forest can burn a world. | Increaseing hostility from the Yemeni also shows a right lighted path. The capital will fall under the hand of the Saudi Crown, through peace or war. The blade of Allah will strike upon the Yemeni for threatening the crown. This new offense cannot be allowed to pass. The new incentive is to pass through the Yemeni Fields with increased caution, Saudi-Supporting Guerrillas began joining military encounters with the Yemeni. But know this, Arabia, this war will not be done in the favor of the enemy. This war will not be broken over our dead bodies, but the bodies of our enemy, marching to their towns and shedding mercy upon the residents, showing them the benevolent hand of Allah and Saudi Arabia. . . Continue on, people of Allah, march with your country, march with the chosen army, heavens armies! The hand of Allah is upon us, and with that protection, why should we fear man? Written for the RMB Screen of the COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY —  Adriatican Islands AmsterwaldAnglo channel  Arcanda Bhaarat Lok Cascadla Cheezaslovakia Connomia East Germany DDR Great Britain GB Greater KurdistaneHatzburg  IsraelliKewtpuff  Kotakuan II Ma-li Maziya Metropolitan Francais MutawakkilitiNevbrejnovitz NewAuroria New Provenance Nileia Nippon-Nihon OsivoII ParamounticaPaseo  Peking Zhongguo Peoples Republic of Czechoslovakia Pontianus Provenancia RanponianRio de la plata argentina  Rutannia Saudi Arabiyah Socialist Democratic Republic Romania Spainard Spain- The Confederate Prussian Empire Vancouver Straits Victoria HarborVietnam sv  Virnall | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Crisis of Al-Wadiah 2
With the defeat of the Yemeni forces in Al-Wadiah due to artillery shelling, the forces withdrew to a mountainous point south of the city, three kilometers away, and positioned themselves awaiting support from Aden with mortars to ambush the Saudi forces if they moved south, when Saudi forces arrived were rained down by Yemeni forces trained to fight from The mountains were hit by artillery shells, forcing the Saudis to retreat from the advance towards Aden. While the city of Shibam, after news of the Saudis moving towards it, began to fortify itself and all citizens began to prepare the city to defend it to the last man. At that time, two officers arrived aboard a Bell 47 helicopter to help in planning and preparing the city until reinforcements arrived. Meanwhile, a group of tribal horsemen began organizing lightning attacks on the Saudi forces in the border villages, leaving many Saudi soldiers dead or wounded, while the rest of them fled into the desert, and part of the border villages were liberated by the tribal horsemen. During the brutal bombardment by Saudi ships on Aden, the army command began to fortify the city in preparation for any possible landing, while the military command planned an air bombardment of one of the most important Saudi oil cities as a retaliation for the bombing of Aden. Indeed, four Douglas C-47 planes were equipped and loaded with bombs. It was decided that the planes would fly at a low altitude over the Rub’ al-Khali desert (Empty Quarter) within the Yemeni and omani border until they reached the Arabian Gulf, after which they would begin heading towards the city of Dhahran to unload their cargo over the oil wells there, which would inflict heavy losses on the Saudis.
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A New Decade A New Leader?
Kingdom of Korea | The New Years celebration had been bigger than ever as the new decade rolled in, huge parties took place across the country with many of the cities seeing people staying out until the sun began to rise. The country had started the 1960s under the thumb of Syngman Rhee with sluggish growth, oppression, and widespread corruption, however as the 1970s beckoned many felt that Korea had finally turned a corner. Korea’s economic growth since 1960 had averaged 8.4%; elections were free and fair; people no longer suffered widespread oppression; and corruption was slowly being eliminated. | | Korea’s remarkable transformation had been the brainchild of several influential figures that emerged during the April Revolution that oversaw Rhee’s downfall. Chang Myon who had been a powerful opposition voice during Rhee’s term, brought about the formation of the now governing National Democratic Party, and played a key role in Korea’s Five Year Plans had only recently announced his retirement. Kim Il-sung who while not in government had effectively been the voice of the left during the post-Rhee settlement had retired from his party’s leadership following the last election. Several others had moved into positions within the civil service, but many had now retired only roped for advisory services. Much attention had now turned to Park Chung-hee, the fifty-three year old former army general who had been in power as Prime Minister since January 1961. While Park enjoyed widespread popularity, it was apparent that from the polling numbers the public had become tired of his National Democrats who had begun to lag behind the Social Democrats, however Park was not one to be forced into retirement. | | Questions over his leadership had been raised back in early 1969 following the fallout from the Yugoslav-Slovene crisis and his dependence on advice from Chun Doo-hwan, however a rumoured challenge to his leadership had been dispersed by appointing his alleged challenger, Kim Young-sam, to the position of Foreign Minister. However this act seemingly only silenced people for a short time, as the new decade rolled in many had openly asked whether it was time for a new approach. Kim Jae-gyu a close friend and ally of Park had been rumoured as a possible successor but this was quite quickly silenced by Kim himself who stated ‘The Prime Minister is the right man of the moment’, other rumoured figures who were circling Park’s position included Kim Young-sam, Choi Kyu-hah, and Chen Hyun-Shik. | | Kim Young-sam has previously been seen as the most likely challenger to Park, particularly back in 1969 had events not resolved themselves, Kim’s elevated prominence since his appointment to the Foreign Office had only made him more visible to the general public. Kim is seen as a more moderating figure within the Government having originally come from the New Democratic Party before the merger in 1966, and his involvement in the ‘Reformist Faction’ gives an insight into his beliefs in economic transparency, distrust of Chaebols and alleged distrust of military politicisation largely stemming from the April Revolution. | | Chen Hyun-Shik is an outside choice, and has frequently denied any challenge to Park, but his name continues to float in journalistic circles. Hailing from Hamhung in the north Chen much like Kim is seen as a reformer but sits within more radical circles having aligned himself to the liberal conservative ‘Kuites’ named after Korean independence activist Kim Ku, the faction is more hardline Pro-American having softer views when it comes to Japan, and brand themselves as much more liberal in their attitudes while still finding their routes in conservatism. Although an outside bet, Chen is viewed as an excellent fundraiser or orator, but many believe he would be unable to hold together all factions of the party, particularly those on the right. | | While no challenge to Park is expected or even wanted, many are quietly moving around him, just waiting for him to step aside either if he loses the next election or during the next parliamentary term. Park’s tenure has seen highs and lows, and Korea’s radical transformation during the last decade has largely been due to Park’s strongman approach to his government and passionate beliefs. However as Park’s time in office begins to reach the same length as Syngman Rhee's, some have quietly begun to ask the question ‘Mr. Park, when are you going?’ |
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Post self-deleted by United Jericho. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐘𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐢 𝐖𝐚𝐫 1
| The Saudi Kingdom begins to worry about a Yemeni invasion and retaliation. As the state has not done anything to truly hurt Saudi Arabia, the country begins to fear the silence, and worst nightmares come true. A telegram intercepted from Yemeni communicators led the Saudi Census committee to the conclusion they were planning on bombing vital Saudi cities. To reinforce Saudi borders, the local government is ordered to arm the possible targets of the attack from the telegram. As the Saudi officials began to narrow down candidates for the city being attacked, the government immediately presumed it was important locations, such as Mecca or Riyadh. So, large cities began getting an upkeep of defense and fortification, especially important oil cities, but such intervention will not arrive in a couple of days. The brand new incentive, at least, according to Salman, is to push deeper into Yemeni lines so they can get the war over before any attack and even be resorted. The conference he had with his ministers (brothers) would order all troops in Al-Waidah, after devistating defeats in the surronding area, ordered all troops in the outside of Al-Waidah to withdraw and return to Al-Waidah. | The Shibam Resistance | | This, however, does not mean that Saudi Arabia is ready to give up pursuits. The Saudi army had finally reached the city of Shibam, and after decimating local armies, the Saudis played a Royal Salute to the Saudi crown, but rather than cheers, they heard heavy opposition. The people spit on the shoes of soldiers, and all who disrespected the crown or the occupying army were thrown into a local prison. The prisons were so full, the army had to build new temporary ones. The people were very clear they would rather die than live under Saudi occupation. This did not deter Saudi Occupation, however. The Saudi forces started tightening up resistance to prevent virtual chaos, so the government established a local (temporary) government to prevent any rebellions. The government hopes to find new ways to hopefully quell resistance in the area. | A Military Focus | Saudi Arabia, seeing how poorly the militarist numbers were, began to ask the king his opinion. The king once responded; "A state that cannot defend itself cannot be state, now can it?" and after this, he swiftly ordered more military campaigning and military promotion material to be spread throughout the country, he also ordered a diversion of Saudi funding towards defense, and ordered that military leaders and commanders be more expansive with military operations and to see when situations are not fit for their respective forces. The king began overlooking military training procedures and partaking in military training itself, showing soldiers how he was taught, which became the premier training strategy. For the navy, he increased naval trade with countries that have superior navies, and also copied naval strategies from those countries. As Saudi Arabia begins to enforce a new strategy to military officials; Altaktik Alruwmaniu, for English speakers, "Romano Tactic" or "Roman Tactics" which is as it sounds, as Saudi Arabia is using a tactic which involves copying other nations ideas and building upon them to build on them. For example, Saudi Arabia copied US naval tactics which proved to be well along Aden's coasts. The Airforce, was put through vigorous change. The Sultan declared the Airforce "Barley fit to fight a squadron of foreign aircraft" especially true, according to many, due to the lack of personnel throughout its squadrons, and as such, the recruitment method was simple; draw some men from land forces to air. Though risky, the government prayed that it would be enough to force Southern Yemen into submission. | Speech of Salman, January 24th, 1970 | "People of Allah, and people of my crown, we see a very pressing issue with us, or more against us, but do not fear! I have taken extensive action these past weeks to assure your safety." *loud cheer and claps can be heard* "As Yemeni aggression grows, we hope to see a swift end to the war, either through peace or violence. We now see a cool retreat of Saudi forces back to Al-Waidah, as I have ordered them to do so, to hopefully force Yemen into submission. Now, militarily, we are faring quite well. But, plan wise, we cannot quite tell. We do know that Yemen plans to bomb a important city; we just do not know which city. Again, do not fear! Extensive action on my part and the part of many others will protect our lifelines!" *Cheer of the people shivers their way through the air, as the breath of many in the audience becomes stale* "As I have stated previously, we most likley will not continue into Aden. As, well, this is non-benifecial, we however, will not withdraw from Al-Waidah until the government of Southern Yemen agrees that Al-Waidah is Saudi territory, maybe even Shibam as well, though no promises will be made. We can hope to see a swift end to this war" *Claps and loud cheers become louder* "As out state grows, it nurtures economically and militarily, and we need to see more in our future, so we can create a paradise state, one where the people are strong willed, perfect, and even sinless. So, people of Saudi, please serve your country and become honored as a hero across the state! Be known as a warrior of Allah, and of Saud. “The first day or so we all pointed to our countries. The third or fourth day we were pointing to our continents. By the fifth day, we were aware of only one Earth.” | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Hi everyone I'm new to this site, is Belarus open? | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
JAPANESE DIASPORA
オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly! JAPANESE AROUND THE WORLD ░░ 日本 • NIHON ░░ — J A P A N E S E—D I A S P O R A —
Designed by Paramountica, Assembled for Commonwealth of Liberty.
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JANUARY 1970 The roiling post-war aftermath of Slovenian independence had been a time of substantial change and political extremes. Nationalists, avant-garde artists, ‘national vitalists’ and all other manner of ideologues defined the young nation. A quarter of a century on, though, it had matured. The waters had settled. Polls indicated that incumbent President Božidar Jakac—an avowed democratic socialist who willed Slovenia to become a ‘pink pearl’ of Central Europe—was to be the last of Slovenia’s ‘radical’ leaders for some time. Center-left Liberal Democratic Party candidate Angela Vode was the statistical frontrunner for the October 1970 elections, promising a moderate, common-sense presidency to guide the Republic steadily forward into the new decade. Under her, the array of expensive social and artistic programs which Jakac had pioneered promised to be tamed; the balance of human and productivity, Vode promised, would be restored, the latter long neglected by the Jakac administration. The social-liberal Vode certainly managed to seem pro-market in the shadow of the current President. A Vode victory would bode well, analysts generally surmised, for the Slovene economy—slight reductions in corporate taxes and a relaxation of the government’s hand in economic affairs would afford Slovenian companies much-needed breathing room. Prospects were high, and corporate leaders acted in anticipation of the more pro-market years to come. Slovenian pharmaceutical firm Krka, manufacturer Litostroj and food processor Žito were all set to favorably open plants in a new economic zone in the United Arab Republic ( Most interesting of all, as always, was the chemical sector. Slovenia’s production of industrial, medical and other chemicals was its most uniquely strong industry, and favorable economic bellwethers usually foretokened activity therein. A Pregelj nylon factory is set to break ground near Celje in April—adding to its already wide and integrated range of chemical products—and the Slovenian Chemistry Institute announced further strides in the stabilization of hydrogen peroxide (a strength of the nation, particularly as an experimental fuel) for long-term storage in January, building on early 1965 advancements in the same field. The Slovenian Chemical Industry Association, though forbidden from making campaign contributions (as with most business-related entities), has explicitly expressed its support for the election of Vode. The most pro-market candidate, Jože Pučnik of the conservative Slovenian Democratic Party, was generally seen as too outlandish to be viable in a time where ‘stability’ was commonly generally listed as a desire of the Slovenian electorate. Indeed, the peace efforts of Jakac had proved surprisingly popular.
 United Jericho) declaration of war on South Yemen ( SouthYemen) has proved quite unpopular among the Slovenian intelligentsia and was spurned by the Slovenian Foreign Ministry. Though once a purchaser of Slovenian military equipment, Saudi Arabia has become increasingly alienated from Slovenia in recent years, and some observers drew comparisons between its recent declaration of war and Yugoslavian aggression against Slovenia.— Businesses — — — Slovenia operates under a form of 'government-guided capitalism'; enterprise is relatively unregulated, but several companies in which the state takes interests are given enormous preference—and oversight—in the way of government deals. Below, categories are included for several corporations, publications, and institutions—such as state-owned companies or governmental organs—central to life and commerce in the Slovene Republic. The categories are not exclusive; Gorenje, for example, manufactures weapons but is sorted into Retail and Consumer Goods because its main business is appliance manufacturing. These major businesses of Slovenia follow. All real companies are modified to some extent, and companies whose establishment dates are marked with [🜇] do not exist in the real world altogether. Modern logos are generally used, as historic ones are not universally available.
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FEBRUARY of 1970
THE KREMLIN FLEXES MIDDLE EASTERN INFLUENCE, SOVIET MILITARY PRESENCE IN KURDISTAN TO URGE SAUDI STANDDOWN IN YEMENI CONFLICT
| The outbreak of military conflict between Saudi Arabia and South Yemen in the Middle East was of great interest to the government in Moscow. Ever since forging strong ties with the left-leaning government of Kurdistan and shoring up diplomatic relations with Nasser's Egyptian state in the wake of Middle Eastern tensions between Israel and their Arab neighbors, the Soviet Union had increasingly inserted itself into Middle Eastern politics, strengthening its regional influence through the establishing of a military presence in Kurdistan. Moscow had also made several diplomatic, financial and military agreements with the Southern Yemenese state, which had sought independence from British rule and thus had turned to the Soviets for support. In the wake of the Yugoslav debacle, General Secretary Kosygin committed his government to expanding the USSR's role in world affairs, especially in "near abroad" areas like the Middle East, Europe and Central and East Asia. | | The outbreak of hostilities between the Western-aligned Saudi Arabia and the Soviet-backed South Yemenese state generated ripples of concern in Moscow. A special conference of the USSR's national security apparatus in late January of 1970 saw unanimous support for "greater Soviet involvement" in the situation to prevent yet another spreading of US-backed Saudi influence. In a televised speech, General Secretary Kosygin told the nation and members of the international press that the Soviet Union would be 'temporarily' bolstering its presence through the deployment of 1,200 Soviet air paratroopers to Soviet-leased bases in Kurdistan. The decision, Kosygin said, was unilateral but done with the Kurdish government informed at every stage of deployment. Kosygin also announced that the Soviet Union would be working on the UN and bilateral level to secure a Saudi standdown in the conflict. |
| The move by the Soviets to intervene in the Middle East was also coupled with new directives issued to the Red Army aimed at strengthening their "multilateral combat capabilities" and bolstering air and logistical capacity. A new multi-million dollar drive to invest in the Soviet military aerospace industry was unveiled, with plans to involve design bureaus from across the Union in new development strategies aimed at bringing in the best and brightest the Union has to offer to develop next-generation combat aircraft that will usurp contemporary equivalents around the world. | ____
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★ ＵＮＩＴＥＤ ＡＲＡＢ ＲＥＰＵＢＬＩＣ ★ "Fear is, I believe, a most effective tool in destroying the soul of an individual - and the soul of a people." ANWAR EL-SADAT _________________
𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐖𝐀𝐑 𝐑𝐎𝐎𝐌 1970 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC
Nasser's war room consisted mainly of himself, General Muhammed Fawzi, Gen. Ahmad Ismail Ali, Gen. Shazly, Air Marshal Ali Baghdady, and Admiral Fouad Abou Zikry. With the exception of perhaps Gen. Ismail, the entire war room was consisting of mostly promoted officers in the wake of the Setback in June 1967, and had established their credentials during the current war in which they have achieved significant operational victories and proved that the Zionist army is not as invincible as it's propaganda would have many to believe. Just in the end of 1969 for example, the newly rebuilt Air Force had succeeded in shooting down two Israeli Mirages and for the first time in the history of the conflict, managed to also down an F-4 Phantom. This was heavily propagandized, as it proved that no weapon that the Zionists had were an invincible threat to the valiant Arab soldiers. As the new year came, Nasser authorized a further escalation in the pace of the conflict, ordering larger artillery clashes, and approving a large amounts of commando raids into the Sinai than before, including an ambush in the Mitla pass. This however had a larger purpose than escalation for just escalation's sake. Israeli air raids into the United Arab Republic had almost devasted the capabilities of the country's outdated anti-air system, and following the approval of the U.S.S.R, Nasser had ordered them replaced with new S-125 anti-aircraft missiles and S-75 Dvinas all over the bank of the canal. To transport those anti-air missiles without being shot down, the army needed to create a distraction and hence the increased frequency and brutality of attacks on the Israeli positions. While this was going on however, and in the midst of the artillery fire, there came to the war room news of a new conflict in the Arabian Peninsula. Arab shedding the blood of another Arab in Yemen. The tensions have been boiling for a while, the reactionary Arab monarchy had viewed the Yemeni progressives as a threat to their rule, their anger finally culminating in what was initially a border conflict expanding into a full on war. This created several issues as Yemen had largely been regarded by Nasser as an important geopolitical piece. Full intervention was a possibility however for now, Nasser contended with just ordering plans to be drawn up, and for the diplomatic route to be approached first. Thus, Nasser once again left his military leadership role to take on his suit once again and begin another charm offensive. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
BSSR News: Masherov announces restoration of Krevsky Castle The head of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic, Pyotr Masherov, today officially announced the start of funding for a project to restore historical monuments. One of the first sites to be restored will be the Krevsky Castle. Krevsky Castle, located on the picturesque banks of the Neman River, has witnessed great historical events for many years. However, the ravages of time and wars have left their mark on this magnificent structure. Old paintings and archival documents help to restore its original appearance. Within the framework of the Krevsky Castle restoration project it is planned to: 1. Restoration of walls and towers: Architects and researchers have scrutinized historical drawings and descriptions to accurately recreate the castle walls and towers. 2. Restoration of the interior: Old paintings have been used to determine the layout of the halls, rooms and staircases inside the castle. This will allow visitors to experience the atmosphere of the Middle Ages. 3. Creation of a museum and exhibition halls: The restored Krevsky Castle will be home to expositions about the history of the region, knights and culture. The head of the BSSR urged all citizens to support this important project, which will help preserve and pass on to future generations the heritage of our ancestors. The restoration of the Krevsky Castle will become a symbol of unity and pride of our country. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The Three Princes | Scene 1, Act 2 | ______________ It had been a bumpy and unsteady introductory few months for the Balewa Presidency. While a blow to his own faction in government by General Gowon was one thing, something much more sinister and dangerous to his leadership had come about. Following the sacking of the former Senior Minister for Internal Security Okotie-Eboh, Balewa now aimed to go on the attack and prevent the momentum from transfering over to his rival Azikiwe, firstly setting up a cross-party Economic Council of Nigeria, set up with a bountiful of advisors from the across the country in an aim to decrease the Ministry of Commerces’ influence, and in total, his former second in command influence in central government. This council would have an advisory role in government, and set long-time economist and senior politician Nwafor Orizu as the Advisor to the Government. In this advisory role, he hoped to create a back-channel between the President himself and Orizu and reduce Azikiwe’s own personal power as the Senior Minister for Commerce. While this would temporarily paralyse any attempts at ousting more senior loyalists to President Balewa, he would look to go further and more permanently minimise the scope and influence in the central government from the rival faction and gain more influence of his own. If he was successful, he could prevent Azikiwe from gaining the votes needed to oust and become President, as well as more long-term, a more loyal and factionally united government in turn. If he failed and Nnamdi remained at the forefront of financial-based decisions, and his faction remained at the heart of the Federal Government, it could cost him his own personal popularity, his own faction's confidence in him, and potentially, the Presidency itself. To secure some form of success, Balewa would set up a separate post of the Chairman of the Nigerian Democratic Party, who would also hold a post in government. The NDP was practically a puppet organisation of the central government, and so had little influence on government decisions, merely their for voting in the national assembly. Securing the party as a foundational foothold for Balewa and his own faction would not only single out the rival faction to merely government, but stabilise factional control in the party. He would place not a long-term loyalist but a fresh set of eyes, the recently-elected assemblyman, Duso Mumba. He would look to position Mumba as a liberal reformist and aim to showcase a more progressive side to the President’s safe pair of hands. Merely a puppet in the great game of control and power, this undermined how much influence Azikiwe truly had in the party and would force any attempt to gain influence or power over the government and government decisions through a single avenue. Any attempt to oust the President via the party was over as long as Duso remained as party chairman. His second order of business would come by the early days of December, where he announced a major change to the structure of the federal government. Originally since it’s inception a single entity of the Central Cabinet, with the various ministries and subdivisions under the arms of the Central Government, he would establish a super-ministry, collecting together the Ministry for Commerce, Ministry for Finance and Ministry for Treasury into a single Senior Ministry of Finance and Commerce. This was an aggressive move by Balewa, which had not only not been told by Azikiwe himself, but was unpopular amongst even a few of his own band of loyalists. Taking out a large chunk of Azikiwe’s loyalists not even a year into the new government was a risky move, but a move nonetheless would pay off. While his former advisor retained his role, a significant number of his cabinet supporters had either been moved as deputy ministers in other ministries, or taken out of government altogether. While it did leave the opportunity for is own parliamentary section, to oust Balewa and take the crown for himself just became a much bigger task and to take him down within the party and a party of which the newly-established Chairman Mumba was the puppet for the President. But the game was not over, not even close. While it was a swift and costly blow to Nnamdi and his faction in the government, it’s consequences inevitably proved more fatal to Balewa’s own party and personal popularity in the long-term. Azikime’s influence and ambitions may have taken a hit, but on a personal level to his loyalists, they quickly came to question where his decisions lied - genuine reform or simply the political game of power and influence. While he had stabilised the government and made financial decisions far more streamlined than before, two key loyalists now looked to measure themselves outside of the picture and into the game. It had been simply one faction against another, and other ministers scattered to their own devices, but Balewa’s conduction of purging out a significant share of the economically-based ministers saw the former general and now-Minister for Agricultural Policy, Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, an ally to the President, formulate his own cabal of loyal brothers, almost all situated either in the Ministry for Agricultural Policy or Economic Planning, the only ministry not be included in the merging. Chukwuma wanted to forge his own path of political ambitions, and siding with the President was not the way forward. As Azikime remains damaged from the effects of the merger, it seemed the growing power vacuum was being helped up by rivalling ministers vying for their own stake of Nigeria’s political pie. The second minister who sought to move away from his loyalty to the President was an elder figure in the party - Akintola. The political strategist and advisor to Balewa during his primitive tears of the 50’s, he had quickly grown into a potential political heavyweight in the cabinet, and by January of 70’, became the second man to move away from the President's grasp. While not directly allied with Chukwuma himself, it was working with him for the time being which could facilitate and prevent Balewa from pushing further and further. Having been selected as Senior Minister for Foreign Affairs, he coupled with Azikiwe’ who had been preparing for this day since the merger, to gain significant influence in the central government. While their ambitions clashed, a united force against an increasingly aggressive and frustrated President Balewa seemed the only way forward. The Three Princes shifts dynamic into a much more fluid game of cat and mouse. As the President looks to prevent the growing factionalism from splitting the government apart, new figures arrive on the scene in their hope of personal ambition and power. Gowon’s small blow to Balewa seems to be forgotten, but he remains lurking in the shadows, waiting for his chance to strike. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
ПЕТИЯ ПЕТГОДИШЕН ПЛАН: УСПЕХ ИЛИ ПРОВАЛ? януари, 1970 г. ----------------------- [Title: The Fifth Five-Year Plan: a success or a failure?] The state planned economy of the People's Republic comes to another turning point, as another five-year plan begins to wind down to make way for another in the cycle that keeps the wheels of industry turning. Compared with the state of the economy at the birth of the People's Republic in 1944, the Bulgarian economy has transformed from a largely agrarian nation into a modern, industrialised, socialist economy. These advancements have had effects wider than just on paper, with whole communities transforming around these new economic policies. Under the lead of General Secretary Todor Zhivkov, the nation celebrates the end of another cycle, one which has again seen the nation continue in its main aim - to "build for socialism". However, with successes emerging in various sectors of the economy, some have been quick to notice that where one sector rises, another falls. Statistics have shown that the balance of economic contribution between the Industrial and Agricultural sectors of the economy has risen to at least 80:20, a massive shift from previous years. Some worry that the traditionally strong and solid economic base rooted in agriculture is being abandoned in favour of chasing after the industrialist dreams of the BKP. Heavy industry has been the favoured direction of the BKP since their first attempts at nationalising and centralising the economy. Prior to the People's Republic, industry focused primarily on light industrial enterprises, with heavy industry existing as a niche in the state and reliant on imports of materials from allied nations. Since joining COMECON, the Soviet Union has exported all material goods required for the development of heavy industry and has done so at cheaper costs than even utilising the extensive natural resources of Bulgaria itself. Therefore, it always seemed likely that the BKP would prefer the most profitable route. Though analysts have said that the policies are, in the long term, unsustainable, the immediate future appears to be nothing but clear for the development of this policy. This can be seen in the massive projects being undertaken by the BKP to expand Bulgaria's industrial capabilities. One such example is the recent successes of the Kremikovtsi Metallurgical Plant, located just outside Sofia above the Kremikov Coal Deposit. Opening in 1963, as of 1970, the plant produces a wide variety of metallurgical products and has become amongst the largest of it's kind in the Balkans, producing coke and cast iron, sheet metal, electrical steel, converter steel, amongst others. Another example is the successes of the Burgas Petrochemical Plant "Neftokhim", built with the assistance of the Soviet Union. It is the largest of its kind in Bulgaria, dwarfing similar sites across the country. The site, which includes its own pipeline running from Burgas to Ihtiman in the west, it's own thermal power plant and a special port "Druzhba" for receiving new shipments of material goods from the Soviet Union, is considered to be one of the key examples of Zhivkov's economic policies and the fifth five-year plan, one that has been touted to mirror that of Mao's Great Leap Forward. Of the products produced at Neftokhim, gasoline, kerosene, fuel oils and the production of raw materials for the production of synthetic fibers and synthetic rubbers are amongst the key items. With the development of these heavy industries, the nation has seen a surge in infrastructure activity, with more projects being undertaken in the past 10 years than in the previous 30 years. The focus on building and development to connect the outer, rural settlements with the new, growing urban settlements has been a major objective of the BKP. The Brigadier Movement on the 1950s, though smaller now as the construction craze begins to subside, continues strong with youth participation continuing to be a major factor in its development. New cities have also begun to grow, including the Dimitrovgrad, Rudozem and Madan. As of 1970, the country produces 26 times more heat and electricity than in 1939. The production of ferrous metals has increased by 106, non-ferrous metals by 273 and machine-building by 142 times from the 1939 statistics. As cars and personal transport become more and more popular, the need for new roads and highways has not been ignored, with major projects connecting the major cities of the nation underway and due to complete over the next ten years. The main achievement of these projects however is the undertaking of the Kozludoy Nuclear Power Plant, which when completed, will be the largest nuclear plant in the Balkans and one of the largest in Europe. The long-running project, with support from the Soviet Union, is being held as the 'poster achievement' of Zhivkov's reforms, and the anticipation for it's completion is high. However, as industry thrives, agriculture has seen a continuous decline to the detriment of many traditional rural communities. The collectivisation of the farms was a brutal one, with many of the traditional peasant classes, who for a decades had enjoyed relative autonomy and peace with the government, were repressed brutally under the government on Valko Chervenkov and his Stalinist policies. It is then no surprise that by 1957, at the end of collectivisation, 92% of all farmland was co-operative, under TKZS or under the State Farming Enterprises. As the national focus is fixed on industrial enterprises, agriculture has been left to slowly shrink over time. Early collectivisation efforts reported back low efficiency on the newly formed co-operatives, and thus between 1957 to today, the number of farms dropped after periods of unification and consolidation. However, the attention and budget slowly declined with them, and today, despite the large production of foodstuffs, production remains at an all time low. Despite these glaring issues, recent publications have shown no major steps being taken to rectify these issues as of yet, though the upcoming sixth five-year plan due to be released this year may yet resolve these issues. Overall, the economy continues to grow but for how long? And for how long can this rate of growth be maintained? Is the bold strategy to focus on heavy industry going to pay off for the BKP? | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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