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USR ✹ The United Somali Republic JCS ✹ Jamhuuriyadda Cusub ee Soomaaliya
| Somalia; The land of instability and chaos, but facts can change. During the Somalian Civil War, Somalia experienced severe loss and suffering under the relentless attacks of Siad Barre and his conspirators. The Somali People seemed all but lost to the forces and attacks of Siad Barre, but they remained. After only a mere 5 months of hundreds of deaths, the Somali Rebellion finally took Mogadishu, and proclaimed the New United Republic of Somalia. The rebels stormed the capital and the provisional leader, Hani Hassan, was taken from power and elections were held to elect the first president of the republic. According to the newly written and revised constitution, the president could only serve 3 terms (4 years) until he had to come down from office and a renewed election would be held, the previous president would also choose to rerun for president if it was in his will. The constitution had been presented with great honor and work, for the constant revision of the constitution was to keep the state in order, to prevent psychotic uprisings and selfish individuals from rising to power, and prevented the eventual downfall of the states. The provinces were given new administrative power over their respective territories, cultures were allowed to spread and flourish across the Somali state. The continued resilience of culture shows the ever more persistent upbringing of the nation. The Presidential Representative, Jamhur Mohammed, gave a speech regarding the lives lost during the revolution, and gave kind condolence words to all lives lost, especially during the psychotic genocides of Siad Barre, a man which would never be missed.
The psychotic, lost, and irrational will operate until their goal is met. For lives lost to them are only lost parts, they look until their systems function with the helpless people as cogs and gears, to work on a psychopathic machine. When those cogs cease work, the operator goes on a tantrum of a sociopath. But this is sure; A cog which continues to work based on what the machine wants, rather than one individual piece, Is how you make a functioning machine." - Jamhur Mohammed, Presidential Representative | The speech given that day is known as the 'Revolutionary Account' and gives a summary of the Revolution, its affects, and even though it lasted a short time due to the strategic coup d'e'tat, that the lives lost were no low amount, as stands currently, over 23,000 Somali Men were killed, while 30,000 Woman and Children were either found and categorized as missing or dead. During the Genocidal Period, over 130,000 men and women, including children, were killed during the psychotic tantrum of Siad Barre. He was assassinated shortly after the interior Coup D'e'tat. His charred remains have unknown whereabouts, but it was last seen being dragged through Kenya and released into Lake Victoria into the Ugandan Borders, but this is all the information they have on the subject. The Somali people wish to never see a tramuatic and surely scarring event like this occur, but as in the words of Kowtame Ali,
So essential yet so dangerous, and so predictable but so unexpected."
Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Tallahan, Maziya, and 2 othersSpain-, and Zingium | ||
Their Imperial Majesties
ORLY AIRFIELD — NOON | Their Imperial Majesties, the Emperor and Empress of Japan, arrived in Paris for a “private” visit that was far from private. The chartered Japan Airlines plane landed at Orly Airfield following the Emperor’s visit to Wallonia. The royal couple were welcomed by the Minister of State for Administrative Reform, Roger Frey, who organized the reception. Troops wearing plumed helmets and wielding shining sabers formed a guard of honor. The Emperor and Empress got into a car and were taken to the Hotel de Crillon, where there was a Japanese flag flying on the roof. A lunch was hosted by the President of France, GEORGES POMPIDOU, and his wife, after which the Emperor and Empress went for a walk. For Hirohito, it brought back memories of his youth. Paris is one of his favorite memories from the European trip he took in 1921, when he was still crown prince. As for the Empress, it was her first time abroad. According to the Japanese Foreign Ministry, the Emperor and Empress are resting between the visit to Wallonia and their visit to Britain. The royal couple visited Notre Dame and then Sainte-Chapelle. Afterwards, they took a car tour of Paris. The Emperor and Empress, after visiting the Louvre, will visit a small inn in Barbizon, the art center near Fontainbleau. The royal couple will dine at Tour d’Argent, one of the oldest and most elegant restaurants in Paris. | PARLIAMENT SQUARE — MORNINGTIME | The Emperor and Empress were welcomed by large crowds when they arrived in London for a three-day state visit. But there was little applause and the crowd was silent considering its size. It seemed that many did not know how to respond to a former enemy who was now returning to Europe, after half a century, as a symbol of a peaceful but also enigmatic country. Tens of thousands of people gathered in Parliament Square and lined up in Whitehall and the Mall as the Emperor and Queen ELIZABETH II traveled in a carriage from Victoria Station to Buckingham Palace. At a dinner for 170 guests, the Queen proposed a toast to the Emperor’s health. A report in the Evening Standard caused a diplomatic uproar that pointed to a possible abdication of the Emperor sometime in 1972, after his state visit to Washington. The report states that the Emperor considered his trips to Western countries, especially those that suffered during the wartime occupation of Japan, as a penance, after which the way would be opened for a complete rapprochement under a new Emperor. | | Japan’s Royal House classified the abdication report as “a triviality and not worth responding to.” However, given the age of the current monarch, there were assumptions in Japan about the Emperor’s abdication in favor of the 37-year-old Crown Prince AKIHITO. The 70-year-old Emperor has been on the imperial throne since 1926. Both the Emperor and Empress looked relaxed as they flew into Gatwick Airport in south London after visiting the French capital. Security precautions have been taken due to protests by militant Japanese students in Europe, some of whom claim the Emperor’s visit represents a resurgence of militarism or British war veterans. There were a number of letters from veterans with painful memories of Japanese militarism. The Emperor and Empress were welcomed at the airport by Princess MARGARET and Lord Snowden, who accompanied the imperial entourage to London on a special train. The Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh accompanied by members of the royal family, Prime Minister Heath, and other members of the government were at Victoria Station. The Emperor attended a ceremony at Westminster Abbey and then walked through the abbey as the choir sang Mendelsohn’s “Lift Thine Eyes.” Later, the Emperor and Empress went to Clarence House to have tea with Queen Mother ELIZABETH. | SCHIPHOL AIRPORT — AFTERNOON | The arrival of the Emperor and Empress in the Netherlands was the target of protests during the most controversial phase of their trip to Europe. A protester threw a stone at the windshield of the Emperor’s limousine. This happened when the Emperor returned to The Hague after a visit to Rotterdam and the Eurdmast observation tower. Some houses along the way flew Dutch flags at half-mast. There were no Japanese flags and there was no crowd either. The Dutch Government made a point of highlighting an unofficial visit and that lunch with Queen BEATRIX is a minimum courtesy. But the reception given to the Emperor and Empress was so meager that it embarrassed the staff of the Japanese Embassy in the Netherlands. The Emperor’s visit to Norden was also unofficial, but when King GUSTAF VI ADOLF arrived at the airport, a royal marquee was erected and there were Japanese flags all over Copenhagen. In Amsterdam, there were no flags, no red carpet, and no royalty as the Emperor’s plane touched down at Schiphol Airport from London shortly after noon. The Emperor was received by the Grand Chamberlain of the Dutch court. A bulletproof limousine was provided to the Emperor, and his motorcade traveled at 75 miles per hour to The Hague, with a police escort, while helicopters monitored the route. The imperial entourage is staying at the Huis ten Bosch palace. The Emperor will visit Amsterdam and then leave for a day visit to Geneva, Alpenland, starting before his state visit to West Germany, the last country of his 16-day trip to Europe. The staff traveling with the Emperor recognizes that the visit to the Netherlands is the most difficult of all. | BONN AIRPORT — MORNINGTIME | The Japanese Emperor began his three-day visit to West Germany amid generally friendly crowds. The chartered Japan Airlines plane flew over Munich on its way to Bonn from Geneva, Alpenland, to give the Emperor a view of the ground being prepared for the 1972 Summer Olympics. Upon leaving the plane, accompanied by the Empress, the Emperor waved happily before going down the stairs. The Emperor and Empress received a 21-gun salute. Followed by an army band that played the Japanese anthem, “Kimigayo,” and the German anthem, “Deutschland über alles.” Some felt this brought a slight echo of the wartime alliance between Germany and Japan. There were some boos and whistles from people gathered in front of Bonn City Hall, who were there to watch the Emperor’s signing of the visitors’ book. But the reception was still friendly. | ▬▬▬ PREVIOUS CHAPTERS — | ||
OCTOBER , 1971 | Yang di-Pertuan Agong Abdul Halim of Kedah would meet with prime minister Goh Hock Guan. To inform the prime minister, that he [Abdul Halim] will officially end the state of emergency and reopen parliament. | | Goh Hock Guan objected to the idea, as the communist still pose a threat to Malaysia as a nation. But the Yang di-Pertuan Agong would retort, Goh Hock Guan by rationalising that the communist threat are isolated to the north of Malaysia on the peninsula and are also isolated on the Indonesian-Malaysian border on the island of Borneo. As such the state of emergency is no longer needed on a nation wide scale and instead a smaller scale, state of emergency will be implemented. | | Of the states that would still be placed under a state of emergency, in which the federal government could heavily intervene in the affairs of the state. Would be the state of Kedah, Perlis, Kelantan and Sarawak. In the case of Sarawak it was selected alone without the inclusion of Sabah under the state of emergency. Is that according to reports provided by the Kuasa Tertinggi Field Unit, the communist threat in Borneo had been isolated into pockets in just Sarawak. | | The news would be made public information shortly after with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong being the figure making the public proclamation on the end of the nation wide state of emergency and introducing the smaller scale state of emergency in its place. Along with that would come the information that all political parties would be interested in. The reopening of parliament and a new parliamentary election to figure out the distribution of parliamentary seats. However states under the current state of emergency will not receive any voting stations for voting in the parliamentary election. | Epilogue: Barisan Nasional ______________________________________________ Nippon-Nihon, New Provenance, Spain-, and Zingium | ||
REINO DE ESPAÑA ______ The General Election of 1971 Now it is time for the election of the lower house of the Cortes Generales, the Congress of Deputies, where men and women will vote on which of the following party will have a seat in the Chamber of Deputies and which one of them will have enough seats to command the house. The Conservative Alliance had been continuously winning the election since the restoration of the monarchy in 1953 and are seem to be ready to win this election as well. However, after losing Spanish Guinea to Cameroon shortly after the 1967 election, the Conservative Alliance lost prestige and legitimacy and even the resigning of the previous PM Luis Herrera that lead to Adolfo Suárez becoming the current PM. Even with the Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez leading Spain’s reconciliation efforts with the world Jewry and welcoming and giving citizenship to Jews who were descendants of those who were banned from the country in 1492, will the newfound support from the growing Jewish population be enough to secure their win in this year election, we will found out soon enough with the upcoming result. - The Conservative Alliance (AC): founded in 1962, they represent both the conservatives and the populists. They support the monarchy, Catholic Church, and traditional Christian values. - The Liberal Party (PL): refounded in 1954, they represent the Liberalism of the nation. They support the monarchy, but want to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country. - The National Union (UN): founded in 1954, they represent the far-rights and nationalists with Carlists and religious ideologies. They support the monarchy, Catholic Church, and traditional Christian values. - The Carlist Party (PC): founded in 1956, they represented the Carlism movement who which to replace the current royal family with an alternative branch of the bourbon dynasty – one descended from Don Carlos, Count of Molina (1788–1855) – on the Spanish throne. They support the monarchy, Catholic Church, and traditional Christian values. - The People's Democratic Party (PDP): founded in 1954, they represent the Christian-democratic ideology of the nation. They support the monarchy, the Catholic Church and traditional Christian values. - The Republican Left (IR): founded in 1934, they represent Republicanism in the nation. They advocate the abolition of the monarchy and restoring Spain’s republican system of government and advocate federalism for Spain. They wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country. - The Republican Union (UR): founded in 1934, they represent Republicanism in the nation. They advocate the abolition of the monarchy and restoring Spain’s republican system of government but wish to maintain Spain’s Political unitarism . They wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country. - The People's Socialist Party (PSP): founded in 1960, they represent the socialist ideology of the nation. They advocate the abolition of the monarchy and creating a Socialist republican system of government. They wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country. - The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE): founded in 1879, they represent the Communist and Marxist ideology of the nation. They advocate abolition of the monarchy and establish a marxist proletariat republic for the working class in Spain. Not only they wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country, but also wish to ban all religion in the nation. - The Communist Party of Spain (PCE): founded in 1921, they represent the Communist and Marxist-Leninist ideology of the nation. They advocate abolition of the monarchy and establish a marxist-Leninist proletariat republic for the working class in Spain. Not only they wish to separate the church from the state and make Spain a secular country, but also wish to ban all religion in the nation. - The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV): founded in 1895, they represent the Basque Nationalist Movement. They advocate the separation of the Basque regions from Spain and create an independent Basque Republic. - The Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC): founded in 1931, they represent the Catalonian Nationalist Movement. They advocate the separation of Catalonia from Spain and create an independent Catalonian Republic. Politicians anxiously wait for the election results as men and women line up at the polling stations. After all the votes are counted, the result is the Conservative Alliance won the overall majority seats in the Congress of Deputies.
- Conservative Alliance (AC): 140 seats - Liberal Party (PL): 39 seats - National Union (UN): 35 seats - Carlist Party (PC): 5 seats - People's Democratic Party (PDP): 23 seats - Republican Left (IR): 22 seats - Republican Union (UR): 21 seats - People's Socialist Party (PSP): 20 seats - Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE): 40 seats - Communist Party of Spain (PCE): 3 seats - Basque Nationalist Party (PNV): 1 seats - Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC): 1 seats
VIVA EL REY! VIVA ESPAÑA! VIVA LA IMPERIO!
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5ZGnCN29Ru0
𝐒𝐢𝐠𝐥𝐨 𝐗𝐗 - 𝟏𝟗𝟕𝟏 | 𝙴𝚂𝚃𝙰𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝙼𝙴𝚇𝙸𝙲𝙰𝙽𝙾𝚂 If there's one singular vice in Mexico that never seems to fade away, it's the state's avaricious taste for violence. It was true during the era of the Aztec empire when enemies of the empire had their hearts ripped out on top the Teocalli temple. It was true during the era of the 1st Republic when those who opposed centralism were executed by firing lines. It was true during the Porfiriato, when the regime crushed anyone who dared to challenge its power. And it is true in the modern era as the state continues this age old habit. What has changed is the method. A modern regime can't just have a blank check on violence; it has to be disguised under the guise of law and order or national security. President Echeverría was especially looking to guide the party state away from that sort of violence that had brought about the disaster that was the 1968 student movement. Open violence against political opposition had to become more covert and sutle; unfortunately for Echeverría, things were about to get very violent on the holiday of Corpus Christi. In the wake of Echeverría's presidency, many of the student leaders of the 1968 student movement were released from prison, and several more exiled in Chile were allowed to return. A gesture of good faith from the new administration towards reconciliation and healing the wounds of the past. Well, that was the idea on paper, but the move had more to do with Echeverría running damage control for his administration. More importantly, the federal government wanted to ease off the tensions and get the student movements to become passive and less likely to protest or challenge the state. Thus, some political concessions would be granted, such as Echeverría's announcement of reforms that would lead to democratic openness in the country. Such as freedom of the press, the right to public demonstration, and more political autonomy for Mexico's universities. In the aftermath of the 1968 Movement and the Tlatelolco massacre, the original opposition movement against the state, made up of students, workers, unions, and leftist political groups, was weakened. Although not completely defunct, the opposition movement was in a far weaker position socially and politically compared to 1968. The people wanted peace of mind and entertainment, not constant political strife on the TV. None the less, the will to fight for political change was still there, and the movement wasn't willing to die out. So its various leaders began plotting out a new march to reinvigorate the movement. The march came in opposition to a current issue concerning the student part of the movement. In the state of Monterrey, students and professors of the Autonomous University of Nuevo León (UANL) introduced an organic law that a joint government proposed. The state government, in disagreement, drastically reduced the budget, which upset university students, and forced the University Council to approve a new bill that practically suppressed the autonomy of the institution. Not willing to lay down, the students went on strike and called for nationwide solidarity from the other Mexican universities. The National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN) joined the cause, organizing protests and demonstrations in support of UANL. Mass demonstrations were planned for the 10th of June on Corpus Christi Day, or the Solemnity of the Body and Blood of Christ holiday. A public holiday that many Mexicans took off work, which would help bolster the visibility of the march.
Nippon-Nihon, Allbania, Spain-, and Zingium | ||
L E R O Y A U M E D E W A L L O N I E | K I N G D O M O F W A L L O N I A
| The 'Speech of Capital Hill' gave way to a new influx of nationalist ideas of the Walloon Nation as the Prime Minister gave the speech upon the de-facto capital, Brussels. Over 790,000 people came to hear the speech, some of the city speakers had to be used a full volume so the crowd could hear the words of the man above. This nearly record breaking attendance had given way to a national spur, to create the new capitals of Wallonia, Brussels and Namur. Before Walloon independence, the city of Brussels and Namur had simply been cities inside the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The nationality of Wallonia had never been forgotten and never would be forgotten as long as the nation kept its spirit alive. The two new capitals, Namur and Brussels; provide new cities of politics. | Many question, though, the reason for two capitals. The two capitals weren't just chosen out of the blue, they were governmental centers from the start. Brussels had always been the de facto capital of Wallonia, while Namur had been the Walloon center of International Politics. Using this reasoning, the Walloon state had properly begun the road to the capital title. The city of Namur was chosen for international politics, because nationwide, it is widely known to be a peaceful city that had almost never participated in war. The city, therefore, gave a perfect candidate to be an international center. Brussels was chosen because, historically and accurately, it has always been the de facto capital of Wallonia. Wallonia, after the decision for two capitals, decided that a new revivial for the city was in store. The Department of Architecture and Metropolitan Design of Wallonia (DAMW), had taken the task of redesigning the cities of Namur and Brussels. Most old city sites were left alone, except those which were simply annoyances in the metropolitan areas. The DAMW had taken up the task a week after the capital speech, and the reconstruction was declared. The cities of Namur and Brussels get massive renovation and revival as new buildings upgrade the capitals significantly, many buildings are scheduled to take almost a year in build time. The people of these cities and all around Wallonia take up the helping process of the DAMW, and hundreds join and pass the exams to get into the DAMW program. The people of Wallonia want it to be a shining beacon in the European Lowlands, and it wants the world to know about the Walloon's, and their willingness to serve. | the Walloon King, Sir Louis Peeters IV, completley support the project, and the king even opens up a new funding organization to better fund the reconstruction efforts. The 'Louis Funding and Supportive Construction Program (LFSC PRGM)' had also given oppurtunities to other Walloon citizens to support the construction efforts as well, and many from around the country come in support. Mutiple translators had to be brought in as French, Dutch, and German speakers flood to support, but none can understand. So, the translators begin to welcome bilinguals and new translators are signed up in the thousands. According to the Walloon Census, over 25% of the Walloon population is helping in the reconstruction efforts, some of the most cooperation ever seen in one single nation. The Walloon people feel more connected then ever, and crime rates plummet with this new construction program also bringing better security. The nation becomes safer and safer, and people feel less afraid when out on the streets alone in the dark of midnight. The new programs being created only increase the 25%, and within next year, it should rise to 38%. This national cooperation brings a sense of nationality within the Walloon people, and the king of Wallonia feels more like a king then he ever has with this new effort, this effort brings jobs and economic prosperity to Wallonia, as it grows more powerful, it grows almost in equal with its neighbors. The Dutch have been some of the most reluctant, considering past occurrences. But, the Walloons accept any help, no matter the origin or where they're from. People from Africa have even migrated to help as well. The population gains thousands of citizens. It seems the reconstruction effort has improved not only the nation, but the people.
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Japan’s China Policy
NATIONAL DIET — AFTERNOON | In EISAKU SATO’s speech, it was announced that the Prime Minister would begin an urgent new effort to open government and commercial contacts with Beijing. The Prime Minister’s statement, delivered before the Diet, was the first attempt to bring order to a Japanese policy toward China that has been in disarray since RICHARD NIXON suddenly changed American policy toward Beijing in July. It is vitally important that new principles are created for relations with Beijing and that the Government obtains a “comprehensive consensus” for the Japanese people to support, according to the Prime Minister. Currently, Japan maintains diplomatic relations with Taiwan, and although trade between Japan and China has grown rapidly in recent years, trade with the Nationalists is even greater in numbers. Japan’s China policy is expected to be heatedly debated during the Diet session. The Liberal Democrats are divided on this issue and the Prime Minister has been criticized by the opposition for not having anticipated the new American policy towards China, Japan’s number one ally. | | The Prime Minister was interrupted by firecrackers that exploded in the well of the lower house. Protesters outside shouted “Destroy the Okinawa reversion agreement!” there was a sign that said: “We Oppose the Okinawa Reversion Agreement.” This special session of the Diet was called to ratify a treaty with the United States under which Okinawa would be returned to Japan. Many Japanese leftists are against the pact because it provides for the maintenance of American military bases on the island. The firecracker throwers were members of the Okinawa Youth League. The league wanted Americans out of Okinawa, but did not want the island to return to Japanese rule, claiming that Okinawans were being wronged under Japanese rule before World War II. It’s unclear what league members wanted. In the Prime Minister’s speech, similar to NIXON’s State of the Nation report, important points were mentioned: |
▌Japan’s voice must be heard in the current international monetary crisis, as leaving a solution “entirely to the Americans” cannot be justified. This was an indirect warning that Japan would resist U.S. pressure to revalue the yen. ▌“Acts of violence must be fully and comprehensively reported, whether committed by a single person or an entire group, or the foundations of a democratic society will be destroyed.” This pointed to the steady increase in violence by radical leftists in Japan. | Speeches by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, TAKEO FUKUDA, and the Minister of Finance, MIKIO MIZUTA reinforced the Prime Minister’s speech. Until recently, Japan’s China policy consisted mainly of having trade and making pragmatic political decisions as necessary. But NIXON’s announcement, known in Japan as the “Nixon shock,” put an end to this approach. Sometime later, the government secretly sent a foreign service diplomat to Beijing as a member of Japan’s unofficial trade mission. The Chinese Foreign Minister provided direct, albeit informal, communications to Tokyo and Beijing. The Government firmly believes that there is only one China and hopes that Taiwan’s fate will be resolved through negotiations between the parties involved. The Prime Minister defended a policy of supporting the admission of Chinese Communists to the U.N. and opposing the expulsion of nationalists as a “transitional measure.” The expulsion of Taiwan is not only certainly unrealistic from the point of view of the international situation, but it could also worsen tensions in the region. | | ||
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RzlfiZmq33c
𝐒𝐢𝐠𝐥𝐨 𝐗𝐗 - 𝟏𝟗𝟕𝟏 | 𝙴𝚂𝚃𝙰𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝚄𝙽𝙸𝙳𝙾𝚂 𝙼𝙴𝚇𝙸𝙲𝙰𝙽𝙾𝚂 The new march began on the 10th of June, when students from UNAM and IPN met at Casco de Santo Tomás, a subunit of the IPN institute. The plan conceived by the leaders was to march from Santo Tomas to Manuel Carpio Avenue, to Avenue of the Teachers. Then arrive at the Calzada Meixco-Tacuba and finally move onto the Zocalo, the capital square where the national palace was located. Besides the university students, members of worker unions showed up in solidarity with various leftist political groups. The march from Santo Tomas started small, but soon enough, it was beginning to accumulate more and more participants as it made its way through the city streets. The atmosphere was charged with energy and determination as the diverse group of protesters marched towards their destination at the Zocalo. However, the federal authorities had already been privy to the plans of the students. Mexico's intelligence agency, the Federal Security Directorate (DFS), had already infiltrated many of the opposition groups and was constantly fed information about their activities. Capitán Luis de la Barreda Moreno, director of the DFS, tipped off the Ministry of the Interior about the protest, leading to a swift and coordinated response to contain the demonstration before it reached the Zocalo. The Federal District Department (DDF) mobilized units of the Mexico City Police (PCM), and the ministry of the interior mobilized army units garrisoned at the military college. However, the state was adamant not to repeat the fisaco that was the 1968 riots and kept the official authorities under strict orders to use minimal force and avoid escalating the situation. Rather than engage the protestors directly, the state created a new paramilitary force to deal with them; they are the Halcones. The Halcones (Falcons) origins came from a joint venture between the DFS and the CIA to create a paramilitary force to repress any political movement that criticized the government. Its creation was guided by the hand of Alfonso Corona del Rosal in 1966, an old PRI vanguardist from the Calles era of party politics. The Halcones had their start in political violence by conducting abductions of activists and dissidents during the late 1960s. It was eventually expanded upon in 1970 by the DFS to conduct anti-protestor operations on behalf of the state without needing to get their own hands dirty. Recruitment typically consisted of DFS members as leaders, military veterans as sub lieutenants, and finally the grunts, consisting of the lower rungs of Mexican society. The poor, convicts, and general gutter trash made up the bulk of the Halcones. On that fateful day, the gendarmerie and police began their operation when the protestors arrived at the Avenue of the Teachers, blocking them from advancing any further. From there, convoys consisting of gray military trucks and unmarked vehicles made their way towards the plaza before dismounting around a corner. The halcones had arrived, and under the command of Miguel Nazar Haro, they began their dirty work. Armed with bamboo sticks, knives, and for some M1 carbine rifles, they went through the gendarmerie line into the crowd of protestors, beating anyone indiscriminately. The violence escalated quickly as they launched an attack at the forefront of the march, where the press was along with correspondents from international agencies. The beating continued in the center of the march, and they started shooting from a building on the street of Tláloc and another contiguous to Cosmos Cinema.
Nippon-Nihon, Allbania, Spain-, and Zingium | ||
The Great Game Part 7: Seizing an Opportunity When Suharto caught wind of what had transpired in Pontianak, his advisors, particularly Ali Murtopo were quick to advise him to cover up the incident. The bizarre events that preceded them along with the fact that many of the workers involved didn’t even want to return to the construction site would make the government look weak and the project for the new capital as a pointless investment. Worse still, Ali Murtopo argued that Suharto’s own reputation was at stake. After all, he was the biggest proponent of the project and its most prominent public supporter. In the eyes of the Indonesian public, the Pontianak Capital Project was Suharto’s project. However, going against his right-hand man’s own advice, Suharto allowed the incident to spread. Newspapers aligned with the government reported on the accidental fire and the damages it had caused. Part of the foundation for the Nusantara Palace had collapsed in the blaze and several pieces of machinery had been damaged. Houses near the construction site also burned to the ground, leaving many homeless. Obviously, the strange occurrences that had preceded the fire and the stories of ghostly apparitions and lights in the sky were omitted while the fire damage was put at the forefront. Suharto then went out to Kalimantan and photographers followed the President as he personally surveyed the damage and met with construction workers and supervisors who had remained. Ali Murtopo followed closely, still apprehensive about the image the disaster would portray. However, his concerns soon proved to have been unfounded. The whole plan from the very beginning was to put pressure on the People’s Consultative Assembly and its leader, A.H Nasution, to put more money into the project. After all, the fire had affected the surrounding city and it was the government’s responsibility to help the people. In the end, Suharto’s efforts paid off. Public pressure had fallen hard on the legislature which was forced to pass an emergency funding bill that would go toward the recovery from the fire. While the MPR had control over the state treasury, the executive was in charge of managing those funds. It gave the President and the cabinet of ministers wide authority over how and where to spend the money. In practice though, it was Suharto who ultimately determined where the money went to, a lot of it was funneled toward projects that would expand his own power over the country, gain him allies, and maintain the support of the people. The rest was distributed among members of his own family, particularly his wife Siti Hartinah and his siblings, including his younger half-brother Probosutedjo who had business interests in the forestry and construction sectors. It allowed Suharto, his children, his wife and close family to live in luxury while close friends and members of Aspri to live comfortably and afford foreign goods that ordinary Indonesians couldn’t afford. However, Suharto’s latest raid upon the treasury would go toward the Pontianak Capital Project and more specifically toward the sole company working construction at the site, the state-owned Waskita Karya. Since 1969, the company has been chaired by Probosutedjo, Suharto’s younger brother. Since then, Waskita Karya has been involved in several construction projects directly benefiting Probosutedjo’s own companies including the Menara Hutan Buana company engaged in logging and the timber industry and his real estate dealings. It was no coincidence that Probosutedjo was also a leading board member at Semen Indonesia and Krakatau Steel, two companies also partially involved in the Pontianak Capital Project and other projects connected to the Suharto family. The fire in Pontianak had been transformed from a potential catastrophe, into a business opportunity for the shrewed Suharto who had pounced upon the chance to expand his control over the state’s finances for his own personal gain. Not only would the newfound funding allow him and his family to continue living in luxury, but also allow him to expand his power over the government at the expense of the Radikals, the Old Guard and even KAMI by gaining the support of the people through massive projects he could take credit for. From the Pontianak Capital Project, to new rail and road across the archipelago, to brand new oil and natural gas exploration, to the construction of new mines, the mechanization of agriculture, and the expansion of the ports in Medan, Batam, and Pontianak and finally the exploitation of vast quantities of timber in West Papua and Borneo. As far as the President was concerned, he was winning the Great Game. The Old Guard was too busy consolidating themselves and dealing with Sukarno-era politics to pose a real threat, the Radikals were appeased by Suharto’s quiet support for their expansionist designs and the student organizations were happy as long as the state continued to invest heavily in education and crack down on leftist agitators. Slowly but surely, Suharto felt like he was gaining control. Not just through sheer political power, but also through his growing wealth. All Suharto had to do was wait and soon, men like Nasution and Jusuf could be pushed aside. Nippon-Nihon, Allbania, Spain-, and Zingium | ||
...SOW THE SEEDS OF CHAOS August 1, 1971 | The last 12 months had been a time of great change in the fledging Laos Province. While outgoing Governor of the province, Phoui Sananikone, had toed the line between bowing totally subservient to Krung Thep and advocating completely for the wishes of his people, his predecessor had stepped over that line completely. Under Phoui, small-scale demonstrations had been allowed, so long as they were not overtly pro-communist in nature - under the new Governor, Major General Vang Pao, they were outlawed entirely. This served only to stoke further tension, as did the decision to ramp up taxes to levels equal to those in Siam proper. Phoui had negotiated to have them at a lower level to lessen the financial burden on the considerably poorer Laotian community, but Vang famously, or perhaps infamously, declared a month into his rule that "freedom is not free". In other words, the people of Laos - especially since conscription was not enforced on them as it was on the those in the core Siamese provinces - should pay more for protection from the communists on the eastern border, and waging guerrilla warfare in the jungles of the province. | | The people of Vientiane 'celebrated' the one year anniversary of Vang's appointment by flocking to the streets, burning effigies of their Governor and calling for the introduction of the vote for Laos. Concerned by the remaining presence of the Pathet Lao, upon liberating Laos the King had pledged a "transition" with his appointed Governor in control until such a time as "sensible, peaceful elections" were deemed possible. All this meant to many Laotians was that their right to vote would only be allowed on a whim, and may perhaps never be allowed under Siamese governance at all. The wealthier members of Laotian society and business owners had broadly supported Siamese governance given the business opportunities, and that the main alternative was communist rule. However, Vang's increase in taxes had made even some of them join the August 1 protest. | | The demonstration was met with predictable brutality. Over 100,000 of the city's 2.7 million people were in attendance, many carrying signs with slogans such as "ລົງກັບວັງປາວ" (Down with Vang Pao) and "ປະຊາທິປະໄຕໃນປັດຈຸບັນ" (Democracy now). The march down Vientiane's main streets was peaceful at first, only disrupting traffic, but as riot police arrived, things escalated. The orders to disperse were unsurprisingly ignored, and some protesters began throwing stones at the police. The police returned fire with tear gas, at which point the protest became a full-blown riot, with some angry civilians throwing Molotov cocktails. Police advanced into the crowd, beating them with batons and arresting hundreds as screams filled the streets. Some were beaten so badly they died, and at the end of the day, 12 police officers and 26 protesters had died, with hundreds more seriously injured. | | Governor Vang called for calm and order via a radio broadcast, assuring his people that the current order is working for their safety and prosperity, and urging them to reconsider any "seditious riots" in the future. Notably, there was no apology or even acknowledgement of the 26 protesters who had died, angering many of the pro-democracy advocates in the province. | | As much as the Governor would like his people to remain calm, anyone who received word of the protest-turned-riot could plainly see that it was unlikely they would do so under the status quo... |
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AP News: History of Bolivia Up to 1971 1952 Bolivian Revolution - April 9 - 11, 1952 The Bolivian National Revolution’s origins can be found during the Great Depression, and the defeat of the nation’s military during the Chaco War. The Great Depression had greatly weakened not only the Bolivian mining industry. Increased radicalism from the Revolutionary Left Party, and Socialist Falange Party ate away at the oligarchic control Bolivia’s elites had held over the economy, and political system for decades. The most important of these parties would be the catch-all revolutionary nationalists, the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR), led by Juan Lechin and his Bolivian Workers’ Union, Victor Paz Estenssoro, and Hernán Siles Zuazo. Starting in the mines, the miners, and the MNR led a popular uprising with town after town falling. On April 12, 1952, the military surrendered to the miners, and the MNR. Estenssoro Government 1952-1956 Following their victory in the Revolution, the MNR would quickly begin to fragment between the left wing Trotskyists under Juan Lechin, and the conservative Walter Guevara. Estenssoro trended towards the middle of his own party, but recognized the growing divide. Opting for a decentralized armed forces, mostly made up of workers’ and peasants, the MNR would begin to be pulled to the left. The Army itself was reorganized as a tool of the party, rather than a proper army to oppose the new government. Universal suffrage was extended to the entire populace, and most contentiously, Paz would abolish term limits allowing himself to continuously stand for elections. This controversial move almost immediately sparked an attempted coup against him by Rene Barrientos. Having instead chosen to empower the worker’s militias, Paz managed to quash the coup. Nonetheless he was deeply unpopular, he would choose to not run as President for the MNR again. Instead he threw his support behind candidate Hernán Siles Zuazo. Hernán Siles Zuazo - 1956 - 1965 Zuazo would become president during a tumultuous period within his party. With Juan Lechin and the left wing of the party growing louder, and more uncontrollable, Lechin would demand the role of the vice presidency. Instead, Zuazo would turn towards the right, taking on Walter Guevara as Vice President. This shift to the right caused mass defections by those who supported Juan Lechin. This split would be felt not only within the party but within the Bolivian Workers’ Union would would be coerced into following Lechin, despite his controversial personality. President Zuazo would attempt to win over favors with the workers’, nationalizing more foreign businesses, and adopting a neutral view on foreign policy. This would instead merely anger the right wing, many of whom were suspected of being on the United States’ payroll. With falling popularity, and dissent from all sides Zuazo would choose to resign in 1965, calling for emergency elections. Walter Guevara 1965 -1970 Guevara would become leader of the MNR, and the nation as a whole. Benefitting from a fragmented left wing, Guevara would come into office almost unopposed. Coming into office as a staunch free market supporter, Guevara would cut taxes, and tariffs across the board. More unrest would come in 1969 when Guevara attempted to privatize the various state conglomerates, including the mines of Bolivia. This move prompted the worker’s militias who had served as the brunt of the military forces to attempt a coup against Guevara led by Juan Jose Torres. Guevara would turn to the more right wing, and more party-aligned Bolivian Army to quash the coup. With the coup quashed, the Bolivian Army, which had aligned itself with Victor Paz who had come out of retirement as the situation fell apart, demanded Guevara not stand for a second term, lest they be forced to launch a coup against him. President Guevara would decline to run, with Victor Paz winning an easy victory with no opposition. Return of Victor Paz Estenssoro - 1971 - Onwards Once the unpopular statesmen, now considered the last hope of the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, Estenssoro has his work cut out for him. The MNR is fragmented between right and left, most of the original leadership has exited the party to form left wing splinter factions. The labor unions are at their most mutinous, and Guevara’s reforms lay unfinished, and unpopular. Adopting the rhetoric of “free market, and state guidance”, Estenssoro seems to be attempting to bind the reforms of both the left, and right, in order to bring the party back together. While it will be difficult, Estenssoro has some advantages. The left wing is in a state of disarray. Even the popular Juan Lechin has been increasingly growing despised by the leadership of his splinter party, Revolutionary Party of the Nationalist Left, if Estenssoro were to extend his hand out to them they may be willing to remerge, leaving Lechin isolated. Another positive, is both the army, and militia’s are in a weakened state, and Estenssoro may be able to use this to his advantage, bringing them both back under the state’s hand, and ending the numerous failed coups’ that have taken place since the 1952 National Revolution. No matter what choice is made, Estenssoro will have to make difficult compromises, and may have to engage in brutal tactics to rebuild the MNR. | ||
OCTOBER , 1971 | Straub Brunó Ferenc a biochemist, who in his youth was a research assistant under Szent-Györgyi Albert Imre, who [Szent-Györgyi Albert Imre] won a Nobel Prize In Physiology or Medicine, in 1937. Straub Brunó Ferenc would go on to work at the Molteno Institute in Cambridge before returning back to Hungary. | | Straub Brunó Ferenc return to Hungary would see the biochemist, enter the world of politics who initially joined a political party but after his last party dissolved. The biochemist has been working in politics as an independent. Despite his foray into politics, Straub Brunó Ferenc would still continue working in the field of academics in Hungary, presently employed as the vice-president of the biochemistry department of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. | | But now Straub Brunó Ferenc would open the Biological Research Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, located in Szeged. With Straub Brunó Ferenc becoming the first director of the Biological Research Center, while still working in his position as vice-president of the biochemistry department in the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. | The plan with the Biological Research Center is to not just be a research center to bolster Hungary's own scientific knowledge and advancements. But also that of the international world, through international scientific publications and patents. | ______________________________________________ | ||
The Republic Of Nilemba • Jamhuri ya Nilemba
The inert political tensions within Milton Obote’s cabinet had reached a boiling point, several instances of ethnic favoritism and undermining of national unity, had cost President Obote the allegiance and cooperation of Nilemba’s several tribal groups, such as the Acholi and Teso tribes, that make up much of the country’s powerful tribes, along with Obote’e own Langi Tribe, that the other two are accusing Obote of using state funds and resources to benefit the Langi. These accusations were after all far from baseless, the evidence was quite clear, as they kept mounting and pushing the President into an indefensible position. All this culminated in much of the public and opposition and anger directed towards Obote, followed by a nationwide display of support to depose Obote from power, and declare new special elections for the country to choose a new head of state. However, it is there that the agreements of the opposition parties and tribes would come to an end, their plot against President Obote had only come to ask the question, who amongst them is best fit to reign over this fragile system of rivaling clans, tribes, and linguistic groups, all united by a foundation of degraded Nilotoc ethnonationalism. Each of the candidates competing for the Presidency however, seemed to only have the interest of their tribes in mind, while ideally as men in the representation of their region and communities would care about the interest of their constituents, a man in a position of the highest office in the land, and the perceived representative of the country in the face of the international community is meant to put aside their ethnic favoritism and supremacist ideology. Yet despite the clear task at hand, Nilemba’s opposition parties continued to class ideologically to take hold of Obote’s position, leaving room for a certain man of wide ambitions, a man who himself is paranoid of losing his job, as the commanding chief of the Nilemba Armed Forces (NAF), both under the Obote Administration which continues to limit and regulate Amin in his job, and from the opposition party that has displayed mistrust and intent at removing Amin several times during his tenure in the past decade. Idi Amin was not the kind of man to wait and see where history takes him, both during the colonial era, and during the last 10 years of a career change to support the independence of his country, Idi had always taken his destiny onto his hands, making quick work of influencing and infiltrating new organization, building trust and providing his useful skills to gain prominence, and his work at had now brought him to be commanding officer of the country’s military. Soon after however, Amin would reach his decision after learning of Obote’s new legislation in the making, to name the President of Nilemba as the ultimate commander and chief of the NAF, effectively diminishing or undermining Amin’s Job, but this will not be a task too easy as Obote would come to find. By the time he’d return from a diplomatic mission to Singapore, he would find himself and his government deposed and exiled, realizing that he may never be able to return to Nilemba, to the country he had founded from the burning flames of ethnic cleansing and ecological disasters. 14:00 hours earlier, the Chief of the Armed Forces, Idi Amin Dada Oumee, had gathered his supporters within the military to mobilize on Gulu, the airport was the first to be seized, followed by the media centers and police departments around the city. Nilemba was put under virtual lockdown, her capital city now engulfed by military tanks and infantry occupying the streets, by the time the opposition vying for power had realized their government had just been deposed in a coup, propelling the ambitious Amin into power, with it, declaring himself second President of the Republic of Nilemba. Back on Obote’s Plane, news of the coup and his removal from power had sent him into a spiral, suffering a panic attack just as his advisors ordered the plane redirected to Kenya. Once he had landed, Idi Amin had already mobilized the armed forces into the Victoria region, cementing its legitimacy to Nilemba, while also increasing security around border crossings into Kenya, Ganda, and Sudan. All whilst Obote had recovered, making quick work to infiltrate and identify loyalists troops within the NAF, hoping to recruit them into launching a counter-coup, with the perceived help of Kenya, however as Obote plotted, the help he thought he might receive from Nairobi may as well be nonexistent, and his plans only proving to trial the patience of the Kenyan Government, resulting in his depart from that country too. Obote had turned to the north, to Somalia, where he was to meet a likely ally that would help him in his plans to restore his rule in Nilemba. Idi Amin had at last, secured his position as the President and head of state of Nilemba, and in an ironic twist, the NAF would be also brought under his complete control and authority of the Presidential Office, fulfilling Obote’s plan to make the Presidency the highest command and chief of the armed forces. Opposition powers challenging the newly declared President Amin would struggle to gain the momentum needed, to provide Amin with a counterforce to his presidency, often invoking tribalist ideologies that had alienated them from nationwide support, and only served to further cement Idi Amin as “The Conqueror” of unjust corrupt government, and a liberator of the people, a narrative that had been helped along further with the seizure of national media outlets in the capital and other urban centers such as Mbale, Lira, and Jinja. Idi Amin established absolute certainty of his role, with his position as head of state and head of government, through guaranteeing his stay in power, given the massive help of intelligence, supplies, assets, and recognition granted to his government from the UK, Israel, as well as other western aligned nations, that liked to see a hardline anti-communist government in Nilemba, serving their interest in the region, amidst the rise of leftist governments and rebel groups in the neighboring D.R. Congo, Sudan, and Ethiopia. What is uncertain however, is what role will Milton Obote or the enriched Langi Tribe have in retaking the country, or how far his tribe willing to aid him in his endeavor, will he move ahead with attempting a counter-coup or be forced to sit back and begin an early retirement? What faith awaits the Busoga people, both exiled in Ganda and under severe repression within Nilemba, who are desperate to reclaim their homeland and dignity, will their right of return to the Sogaland be granted and permanent peace with Ganda established, or will they continue to suffer another 40 years of exile, oppression, subjugation, and grief, while Idi Amin maintains an air of hostility with Ganda’s Bantu kingdoms? What geopolitical game is Idi Amin’s Government expected to take in a volatile region surrounded by nations already uneasy with his power grab, will he oppose Somalia’s bid to reclaim Obote’s government, will he move ahead with destabilizing South Sudan, distracting the Arab nationalist sympathizers in Khartoum, as part of an effort to aid his Israeli Allies, will he commit to further incursions into the D.R. Congo to cement a sphere of influence predicated at surrounding Ganda to secure the sovereignty of the Nilo State? And most of all, what faith awaits Idi Amin’s Nilemba? ———————————————
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