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★ ＵＮＩＴＥＤ ＡＲＡＢ ＲＥＰＵＢＬＩＣ ★

"Fear is, I believe, a most effective tool in destroying the soul of an individual - and the soul of a people."
ANWAR EL-SADAT

_________________

_{𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐋𝐀𝐒𝐓 𝐌𝐀𝐑𝐂𝐇
C H A P T E R 5:
V I T A L
Q U E S T I O N S
^{OCTOBER 1969 - UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC}}
_{The President's health is failing. Repeated trips to the Soviet Union for treatment had not produced the results desired. A stroke Nasser suffered in the start of September had put him temporarily out of charge for over a month and given acting powers to his veep, Anwar el-Sadat. It has become quite a troubling possibility, in fact almost a certainty, that Nasser had not much to live. A Soviet physician had given him less than a year to live, though most dismissed this as mere hyperbole. Nonetheless, important questions have started to be raised.}

_{The only legal and true engine of power, the Arab Socialist Union, is fractured between almost four different factions, the political situation is not much better with rightist and leftist elements constantly clashing for influence, a business class that is waiting for the chance to pounce and increase their influence, and the ever present fundamentalist Islamists. This all of course without mentioning the Israeli occupation, the constant diplomatic wrangling between the United States and the Soviet Union, balancing the UAR's position as the leading Arab state with its commitment to domestic change. It is no surprise then that the position of President is slowly draining away the President's ability.}

_{The only thing holding everything together is Nasser, and in the event of his death, many uncomfortable questions will arise that perhaps even he can't answer. Most pressing of which is the question of succession. Since 1966, an ongoing battle between the various forces in Egypt had but only made the situation worse, with forerunners such as Zakaria Muhyi al-Din, Abdel Hakim Amer, or Aly Sabry all being pushed out of power, dead, or ousted respectively. Meanwhile, the more quieter elements such as Anwar el-Sadat, and Khalid Muhyi al-Din have both been slowly building their case behind the scenes, but don't have mass popular support owing to their non-prolific background.}

_{And then comes the question of new cadres. Nasser seems to have plucked his former aide-de-camp, Col. Gaddafi, out of obsecurity and slowly been grooming him for succession, even rewarding him with the position of Premier of the Republic in 1968, however Gaddafi is not even 30 and certainly not a known political figure, and without Nasser's patronage he will have to rely on his will and the support base he has in Libya to push his weight around, which might not be enough and will quite likely require any sort of alliance with more established figures such as Sadat.}

_{Last but not least is of course the question of Israel. There has been a growing camp within the ASU that has advocated for exploring some sort of peaceful solution to the conflict. Something which is viewed as almost synonymous to treason. Yet, even Nasser himself has not discounted the possibility, even proposing a five-point plan for negotiations and withdrawal that went without answer. A war is certainly coming, but the aftermath is yet to be known.}

_{It is unlikely that the United Arab Republic will fall to instability once the time comes for a successor to Nasser, it is quite unfeasible for even the most radical of political actors. But Nasser's passing will mean the weakening of many of the country's institutions which depend on him as its foundation. Legally, Nasser's successor will be his current Vice-President, Sadat, but Sadat lacks the power base to have near any comparable power to Nasser. Meanwhile, the other political actors, like sharks waiting for blood, are all readying their plans. Perhaps Nasser's last gamble could be in ensuring the smoothest transition possible, and the maintaining of all institutions built under him.}

Rudá pravda

The Czech events have now revealed all the features of the classical crisis of bureaucratic state capitalism, as revealed in the events of Poland and Hungary in 1956. There have been differences of emphasis; time and national conditions have produced peculiarities of casting, but the mould has retained the same contours. The forces shaping history have been similar, following from the dynamics of the same system.As with the convulsion of 1956 the Czechoslovak crisis had its origin in problems of the economy. But these in turn had their basis in the very nature of bureaucratic state capitalism: the contradictory combination of ruling class control of society through a bureaucratic machine backed up by a relentless terror apparatus that fixes social and political relations with a seemingly immutable rigidity, on the one hand, with the capitalist goals of that class – incessant development of productive forces through accumulation of the means of production – on the other.

For fifteen years Czechoslovakia had been among the most stable of the state-capitalist regimes. There was a local semi-insurrection in Pilsen in 1953, but otherwise the convulsions that swept the Stalinist bloc after Stalin’s death and the Twentieth Party Congress left it untouched. Czech industry grew. The industrialising regimes throughout the rest of Eastern Europe provided a seemingly insatiable demand for its products in the 1950’s without demanding any improvement in quality or technological development. Externally the Czech bureaucracy happily accepted a position of subordination to the Russians; internally deviationists and potential deviationists were eliminated without any weakening of the regime. Relatively crude methods were successfully employed to carry through a continual expansion of production. On the factory floor simple piece rate incentives on the one hand, physical threats on the other, led to the production of a large surplus. Crude physical threats could again be used to prevent lower level bureaucrats either diverting this surplus for their own use or succumbing to pressures from the working class below. Even government ministers could be threatened with arrest on trumped up charges, gaol, torture or execution. At all levels the political police successfully prevented any formulation of alternative policies and the self-organisation of any social stratum.But such methods could only work to expand production while production techniques were relatively simple. They are not compatible with improved, sophisticated techniques. These demand greater initiative from the workers and do. not permit the same degree of police or managerial surveillance of production. Those on the shop floor can more easily engage in forms of passive resistance to the system without detection (producing shoddy products, increasing the wear and tear on machines, etc). Control through crude repression no longer guarantees increased production.

For a period this problem was evaded by the bureaucracy. But given its need to survive in a world where the productive forces were continually growing, a point was bound to be reached where evasion was no longer possible. In the early 1960s the contradiction between the forces of production and the relations of production revealed itself to the Czech bureaucracy in the classical capitalist form; through an inability to sell goods on the world market. As the other East European countries industrialised they became less dependent on Czech products. They reached the point where they could produce goods of a similar standard themselves. At the same time the decline in the Cold War tensions enabled them to buy sophisticated products from the West that could not be efficiently made under Czech conditions. Whereas the Czech national income had risen by an average of 8.2 per cent between 1953 and 1963, in 1963 it fell 3.7 per cent and industrial production fell by 0.7 per cent.
The impact on the bureaucracy was immediate. It split down the middle. A section began to press, ever more vigorously, for fundamental changes in the organisation of industry in order to streamline production and recapture markets. Despite its talk of ‘socialism with a human face’ the aim of the ‘liberal bureaucracy’ was not to pass control and initiative to the base of society. Rather it argued for relaxation of certain sorts of bureaucratic controls over middle managers and their replacement by -market controls. In the long term Czech industry would compete on the world market not as one single unit but section by section. Reforms in managerial methods were not to give power to workers, but to increase their feeling of ‘participation.’ Workers would not ‘assume any managerial functions. These would rest with the management.’ 

After five years of bureaucratic infighting, the ‘liberals’, by forming alliances both with other sections of the bureaucracy – notably the Slovaks – and increasingly with extra-bureaucratic groups were able to neutralise the state forces at the disposal of the old guard and take over control last year. But this was only the beginning of the problems that faced them.Throughout 1968 the Dubcek group had to fight a battle on two fronts. On the one hand it had to deal definitively with the remnants, at every level of the bureaucracy, of the Novotny regime; whole hosts of administrators attached to an antiquated organisation of production had to be eliminated. On the other hand it increasingly had to worry about forces it itself had unleashed; in the factories and universities independent and democratic mass organisations were appearing for the first time for twenty years. Trade Unions were being rebuilt on a democratic basis. Journalists and radio and television personnel who had been freed from censorship in order to criticise the Novotnyites were in danger of discussing the policies of the new rulers.Even prior to the Russian invasion this flowering of free discussion was of some concern to the Dubcek group. Ministers began to refer to the dangers of ‘anarchy’ and of ‘anti-socialist’ forces.The economic situation continued to deteriorate. The economic reforms (involving the closing down of numerous plants, wage cuts and redeployment) were incompatible both to the existence of whole strata of old style bureaucrats and the existence of independent workers’ organisations. Investment decisions continued to be irrational and to lead to the production of unwanted goods and increased stock piles. The workers used their new found strength to force wage increases. Continual inflation resulted.

All this time the state machine was becoming less and less effective as a means of imposing governmental decisions. The control of the Dubcek group above all rested on its ideological hegemony. Any attempt to impose the economic reforms in all their austerity might have undermined this.A foreign hard currency loan could have eased these difficulties. It would have enabled the buying of machinery from the West to modernise industry. The obvious suppliers were the Russians. Not only had these been treating the Czechs in a typically imperialist manner for years (buying below market prices and selling above ) but they also had had a trade deficit with the Czechs for several years, which was paid for by crediting the Czechs with funds in the Comecon bank in Moscow amounting to several milliards of crowns.  

The immediate effect of the Russian invasion in August was to stabilise the position of the reforming bureaucracy. The whole population united behind it. Even the conservative sections of the party did not dare form a puppet government for the Russians. Dubcek, balancing between the Russians and the mass of Czech people, seemed to be raised higher than either. Western journalists referred to an amazing triumph of ‘dignified non-violence’. Those aspects of Dubcek’s policy that might separate him off from the mass of Czech workers were cloaked by the Russian presence.

But over the months it became clear that there were huge differences between the demand of the Russians and those of the mass of Czechs that even Dubcek could not resolve. The more that Dubcek and the section of the bureaucracy behind him were bound to try to implement policies demanded by the Russians, the more the Czechoslovak population began to organise to take action independently of the Communist Party.When the students occupied the universities at the end of the last year they found they had immense support from workers in the factories. The trade unions, in which government-appointed officials had been replaced by democratic elections, began to demand control over the factories by workers’ councils elected from the shop floor.Above all there was the growth of intense hostility to the Russian occupation at the base of society. This found its fullest and most clear-cut expression in the half a million strong demonstrations that followed the defeat of the Russians in an ice hockey match. In every town people poured on to the streets. Every wall in Prague had the score scrawled on it. The Russians had invaded Czechoslovakia in order to curtail free debate. Yet that debate was now involving more people than ever before. One Russian newspaper complained that the situation was even worse than before the invasion.

As the two planks upon which it was resting moved further and further apart, the ‘progressive’ section of the bureaucracy around Dubcek became more and more unsure of itself. It had to ‘keep order’ for the Russians, but the moment it tried to do seriously it would lose its popularity with the Czechs. Meanwhile the forces of the state – particularly the army – were becoming more and more demoralised. At the top, a few generals were threatening a coup against the government. At the bottom, the rank and file shared the sentiments of the masses. For instance, when the soldiers were sent out to patrol the streets with the police, few seemed to take the task seriously.The very basis of the independent existence of the Czech ruling bureaucracy was being undermined. In the factories the mass meetings of workers were a growing power. The trade unions increasingly operated like an opposition political party.

The ‘progressive’ bureaucrats continued to resent the Russian intrusion. But they also became more dependent on the Russian threats to preserve their own position. The continuing demoralisation of their own state machine and their urgent need to put into effect unpopular reforms made them fear ‘anarchy’ more than the embrace of the Russians. They might hate the Russian domination, but that road at least promised them a minimum of security for their class rule. Better to be a subordinate bureaucrat than no bureaucrat at all.With the sacking of Dubcek, without serious bureaucrat opposition (even Dubcek does not seem to have seriously tried to oppose it) the Czech ruling class has jumped off the fence. It has shown it is prepared to put down the workers and students in the interests of the Russians. From now on the lines of the class struggle inside Czechoslovakia and of the national struggle against the Russians will be more and more identical.
This will have a two sided consequence. On the one hand an increasing bitterness against the bureaucracy as a whole among the masses of workers, students and other oppressed groups. On the other a continued articulation of this class consciousness in national terms that prevent it becoming fully self-conscious. A sort of ‘Sinn Fein’ stance can be expected which will identify class enemies, but never be fully clear why, nor of long term alternatives to them.

Distressing as it may be to western socialists (who still think it is better to be pro-Russian in the West than pro-American in the East) this class consciousness may well be masked by all sorts of pro-western ideologies. But the increased repression and censorship will make the organised articulation of genuinely revolutionary alternatives well nigh impossible.For the time being the reconciliation between the Czech bureaucracy and the Russian imperialists will protect the rule of both. Although possibilities of some sort of spontaneous uprising cannot be ruled out – the bureaucracy with memories of the ice hockey match felt it prudent to abandon May Day celebrations – the threat of Russian intervention has reduced the political opposition to impotence. To this extent the ‘progressive’ bureaucracy has successfully followed the path of Kadar and Gomulka.

In the long term, however, its prospects are not nearly as optimistic. Gomulka was able to stay in power through a judicious combination of huge increases in living standards, Russian threats and a popular nationalist ideology. He only needed to employ physical force after nearly a year in power, with the banning of Po Prostu and the use of armed force against demonstrations. Kadar was put into power by Russian troops, but over time was at least able to build himself some sort of indigenous base by raising living standards and continuing certain aspects of the ‘liberalisation’. In both cases what was central was that there were economic resources available that could be utilised to improve the standard of life. This was because the economic crisis had been a crisis of growth, not of stagnation (in both cases the most intractable problems were not in industry but in agriculture).The Czech bureaucracy has no such resources. It needs to depress living standards, not raise them. And even then its problems might not be capable of solution without a hard currency loan. After 1956 the Russians were willing to stabilise the Kadar regime by easing up on their exploitation of Hungary and giving some sort of aid to it. They seem much less willing to aid Husak and his friends. (After all, the Russian economy is not expanding at its old speed either.) Anyway, such a loan would not obviate the need to depress living standards. The Russian threats will have restored bureaucratic monolithism and have frozen existing relations of production. But they cannot do away with the opposition between this freezing and the needs of developing productive forces.

Looking at Czechoslovakia in isolation the picture can only be a pessimistic one. What seemed like spring was in fact an Indian summer. The ‘human face of socialism’ turned out to be a grimacing death mask. The crisis cannot, however, be confined to Czechoslovakia in the long run. In the other ‘advanced’ Eastern countries the same contradictions are there, albeit still latent. The Polish bureaucracy, with memories of ’56 and of the riots of last year dare not reform the economy because it dare not reform itself. There and elsewhere the greater economic growth is, the greater the irrationalities and distortions to it. The more they feel their internal limitation the more the different bureaucracies compose and jostle with each other internationally. Even those who participated in the invasion of Czechoslavakia can resent Moscow’s economic domination through Comecon. It is not only the Czechs who, for instance, object to complete dependence on Russian oil or to the Russian bureaucracy’s aim of being the major producer of technological goods in the bloc.But it is in Moscow and Leningrad that the liberation of Czechoslovakia can really lie. For the Russian bureaucracy does not always sleep so easily. Declining growth rates have cut the overall resources at its command. It attempts to placate a massive working class by raising living standards. At the same time rt has to devote an even greater proportion of national resources than the Western powers to arms expenditure. The very repressiveness of its methods makes it difficult to raise labour productivity. For ten years or more the Russian bureaucracy has avoided coming to terms with the roots of its own economic problems. If it attempts to solve these it will have to undergo a ‘Czech development’ of its own. If it does not discontent that will develop at the base of society will eventually erupt. In either case there will be no foreign army to bale it out.

Achtung! Normalisierung steht bevor!

With Husák replacing Dubček as leader of the KSČ in September 1969, his regime acted quickly to ‘normalize’ the country's political situation. The chief objectives of Husák's normalization were the restoration of firm party rule and the reestablishment of Czechoslovakia's status as a committed member of the socialist bloc. In the following days, all the party members belonging to the reforming bloc would be expelled from the party and publicly denounced.The most radical laws brought to officialdom during the Prague spring period would be struck down such as lossening of restrictions upon media and newspapers and reconstitution of the Social democrat party.

Within a week of assuming power, Husák began to consolidate his leadership by ordering extensive purges of reformists still occupying key positions in the mass media, judiciary, social and mass organizations, lower party organs, and, finally, the highest levels of the KSČ. In the fall of 1969, 42 liberals on the Central Committee of the KSČ were replaced by conservatives. Among the liberals ousted was Dubček, who was dropped from the Presidium , Dubček was expelled from the party; he subsequently became a minor functionary in a distant Slovakian Town.The method by which the KSČ under Husák would rule was commonly summed up as ‘reluctant terror by observers.’ It involved careful adherence to the Soviet Union's policy objectives and the use of what was perceived as the minimum amount of repression at home necessary to fulfill these objectives and prevent a return to Dubček-style reformism. The result was that the new regime , while not a complete return to Stalinism, was far from being a liberal one either.Thr primary emphasis would be on the maintenance of a stable party leadership and its strict control over the population.

Czechoslovak People's Army on the Rhine(a fictional theoretical war discussion between two military generals and a general history of the Czechoslovak peoples army)

COVERT

"We crossed the Rhine in the area of ​​Strasbourg, comrade general," said the chief of staff of the Czechoslovak Front, Lt. Gen. Vaclav Vitanovsky. However, he had a gloomy face and continued. “However, our divisions are greatly weakened by the fight and are advancing on Epinal and Dijon only with the utmost effort. Some divisions of the first line of the 1st and 4th armies completely lost their combat capability during the performance of the previous tasks and had to be replaced. Although it was possible to plant part of the divisions of the second line of the front, they aremainly made up of reservists of older years. In addition, with the exception of one division, they only have T-34/85 tanks, not the modern T-54A, which we lost during the previous week fighting the West German and American armies in southern Germany. When we have achieved the objectives of the operation, we should be ready to develop the next attack on Lyon, but we will be completely outnumbered and the deployment of the second strategic sequence in the form of the troops of the Carpathian Military District may be delayed. According to reports from the rear, the enemy has carried out more nuclear strikes on the moving troops and is also trying to destroy the remaining bridges over larger waterways. The terrain is already partly impassable, due to the previous use of nuclear weapons by our troops and the enemy. And all this in a situation where we can expect the deployment of a strong second line, made up of units of the French army."

"The task must be accomplished," replied the commander of the Czechoslovak Front, Colonel-General. Vladimir Janko. "When I and the tank brigade fought alongside the Red Army during the liberation of Ostrava, we also suffered heavy losses, but in the end we were able to liberate the steel heart of the republic. The Soviet comrades have given us a task and are counting on us to fulfill it. When approving the operational task of our front, they told us this very clearly in Moscow. As soon as the advance on our sector slowed down, the enemy could deliver a flanking attack to the troops on the main strategic line Berlin-Paris, cutting them off from the second strategic line and supplies from the border military circuits. We must not allow that." However, he thought to himself: "Now would be a good time for the 2nd Army, the development of which was abandoned in the spring of 1964 due to the economic problems of Czechoslovakia and the collapse of the five-year plan. It should have its own rocket brigade and three divisions armed with modern technology. Moreover, in October 1964, they changed the task of the front, and now we have to advance on a smaller width of the front into a greater depth of the enemy's territory. When I asked the commander-in-chief of the combined armed forces of the Warsaw Pact, Marshal Greček, how we would secure our wings and who would replace us, he told me not to worry.Such a conversation could have taken place in the mid-1960s between the commander of the Czechoslovak Front, General Vladimír Janko, and his chief of staff, one of the most capable generals of Czechoslovak army, Václav Vitanovský. Fortunately, it did not happen. But it was not enough, and some of the regional conflicts could turn into a global military rivalry between the then hostile military-political blocs – the Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Alliance.

After the appointment of JUDr. With Alexeje Čepičky as head of the Ministry of National Defense, radical measures were taken, aimed at full submission to the Soviet military strategy and military art of the Soviet army. Already in April 1945, when adopting its first post-war government program, Czechoslovakia undertook to build its army according to the Soviet model. At the same time, no one responded. Neither the then president Beneš, whom the Soviet Union considered a guarantee of Czechoslovakia's international security, nor the representatives of non-communist political parties, who did not prepare any counter-proposal. The political events of 1948 only accelerated the subordination of Czechoslovakia to Soviet interests. Klement Gottwald's words were fulfilled, who declared: "We will not make generals communists, but communists generals." One example was his son-in-law, whom he appointed Minister of National Defense in April 1950 and promoted from private to general in October of the same year army general.The Czechoslovak army began to prepare for the conduct of the war under complete subordination to the Soviet army. As early as August 1950, the reworking of operational plans began, which continued to assume that our army would become part of a front created mainly on the basis of Soviet troops. The "Maximum Arms Production Plan" for the years 1951 to 1953 was adopted, and the war army, which in the event of war was to consist of more than 760,000 soldiers and 23 all-army divisions, began to receive first hundreds and later thousands of new tanks, guns, aircraft and other combat equipment . At this time, even in the first phase of a possible war conflict, defense was considered. Only after the enemy's blow was repulsed and after the arrival of Soviet troops on our territory was the transition to "active activity", i.e. a counterattack, considered. In the depth of the territory, possible defense lines were reconnoitered, the construction of field fortifications was to be ensured by engineer barricade brigades, and the defense of the objects of the light fortifications of the First Republic in the area of ​​the Czechoslovak-Austrian border was to be provided by the fortress corps. Over time, however, measures were taken that increased the striking and firing capabilities of our army. In the second half of the 1950s, the strength of the military army was reduced to 650,000 men, but the remaining 16 all-army divisions were to have a much larger number of weapons in the event of a war than before. The qualitative change was mainly brought about by the planned use of nuclear weapons.

If in the 1950s it was assumed that nuclear strikes would only form a supplement to existing conventional weapons, the beginning of the 1960s brought the exact opposite. Nuclear war was supposed to be the only variant of armed conflict, and ground troops were expected to be able to use the results of their own nuclear strikes with sufficient flexibility. In fact, in 1960, the so-called strategic missile army was created within the Soviet army, which was supposed to be able to threaten the US territory with the help of intercontinental ballistic missiles launched from land bases. The Czechoslovak (from 1954 people's) army also adapted to the changed strategy. In addition to the air force, which had already been using Il-28 aircraft as nuclear bomb carriers since 1955, the ground troops also received their own means of nuclear attack. Missile brigades appeared in the organization of armies, and tank and motorized rifle divisions gradually acquired military rocket divisions. At that time, however, there were no nuclear warheads on the territory of our country and the Czechoslovak Republic. the army was to receive them from the Soviet army only in times of increased danger. On the other hand, a drastic reduction of conventional artillery was carried out, so that, for example, instead of the original five artillery divisions at the operational level in 1963, only three artillery brigades continued to exist, and only one tank division remained from five artillery divisions.

In 1960, our army received a new assignment from Moscow, according to which it should immediately go on the offensive in the event of war. Until 1961, it was assumed that it would lead combat activities as part of the front formed by the troops of the Carpathian Military District. The operational group of the CSLA General Staff was to be integrated into the staff of this front, whose arrival at the airport in Hořovice was expected within 8 hours of the issuance of the order to move. Due to the need to achieve greater flexibility in fulfilling the tasks set for the ČSLA in the event of war, a decision was taken in 1961 to create an independent Czechoslovak Front from the troops allocated to the United Armed Forces of the Warsaw Pact. As of September 1, 1963, our army had 3,860 tanks, 4,500 artillery pieces and 720 combat aircraft. According to the operational plan from October 1964, Cs. front during the fulfillment of tasks to carry out 131 nuclear strikes (of which 96 were carried out by rocket means of the ground troops and 35 by the forces of the air force). However, the deadline for handing over the nuclear warheads was 18-22 hours, while the missile force of the ČSLA ground troops was supposed to be ready to conduct combat operations within 3 hours. Therefore, in December 1965, the Czechoslovak-Soviet agreement on the construction of nuclear munitions warehouses on our territory was signed. In April 1966, as part of the "Javor" campaign, the construction of special buildings began in the locations of Bílina, Bělá pod Bezdězem and Míšov–Borovno (VVP Jince), which were to be used by Soviet army units, disguised as liaison units. In December 1968, the Soviet Army was the first to take over the warehouse in Běla pod Bezdězem, and the relevant special unit took up its post in February of the following year. Only a senior representative of the Commander-in-Chief of the Combined Armed Forces of the Member States of the Warsaw Pact at the Czechoslovak Ministry of Defense could inspect said warehouses. ČSLA representatives did not have access to them.

However, the demands of the Soviet command on our army and its economic security exceeded the economic possibilities of Czechoslovakia and became a constant source of contradictions. E.g. with the abolition of the aviation regiment, which took place in the summer of 1964, the Soviet side expressed its consent only in 1967 and until then demanded its restoration, even at the cost of switching to a two-squadron system at the regiment.T-54A tanks during the final parade in Dresden In the mid-1960s, a renewed effort by the command of the Soviet army to deploy its troops on our territory began to manifest itself, which was to fill the gap between the groups of Soviet troops in the GDR and Hungary. The political leadership of our state and the command of the Czechoslovak Republic. of the army tried to prevent this by increasing the numerical strength of the ČSLA. The solution was to transfer the Border and Internal Guard from the Ministry of the Interior to the Ministry of Defense. On January 1, 1966, the so-called unified armed forces were created and the peacetime strength of the CSLA increased from the previous 204,000 to 235,000. In this situation, the border guard received heavy equipment in its arsenal, and a report was drawn up for the Warsaw Pact command about increasing the combat value of the ČSLA by two to three divisions.

The effort of the Soviet command to place a strong group on our territory finally reached its fulfillment after the August intervention in 1968. The reduction of the war numbers of our army to 580,000 people and all-army divisions to 15, implemented a year later, more than adequately replaced the presence of 75,000 soldiers, grouped into five all-army divisions and one air division of the Central Group of Soviet troops.Su-7B fighter-bombers delivered between 1964 and 1967 in the number of 102 units.( A new exercise has been slated to test the readiness of the Czech army next month )

/COVERT

T H E  K I N G D O M  O F  S A U D I  A R A B I A  |  المملكة العربية السعودية

^₂ 𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 !

P A R T   T W O  -  A C T I O N

_{^{| The order of the country is at stake. As the People's Republic of the Arabian Peninsula, which the logistics program has shorted to PRAP. As PRAP becomes ever more courageous in their acts of taking down the crown, the older coup begins to tie the lines, as the red yarn becomes more evident, in order to protect this countries pride and order, the country has dedicated itself to finding and deterring the enemies of the state, these people that threatened our legitimacy and sovereignty, dignity and order. If these people were allowed to tread the earth, the world would not be the same. So, the Saudi Military has declared it a act of treason, meaning if the group was captured, they would all be sentenced to death. This new incentive led the government to begin searching tirelessly for this group, with only ~20 captured, with 12 killed so far. Over 30,000 Riyals have been donated to the cause and the people of Saudi Arabia (excluding some rebellion controlled cities) do not accept visitors supporting the group, in fact, anyone that does support the group is most likely not welcomed on those cities soils. The county has begun to actively search for supporters as well, with any foreign supporters given the same punishment if they were to step foot on arab soil. The traitor can stand on one leg, unless that leg is thwarted. Now, as the people rise up against the traitor force, in order to intimidate the enemy forces, the King ordered a military march through Riyadh and Mecca, showing military prowess and supremacy, giving rise to people patriotism of the country. A conference quote sums it up quite well;}}

_{^{"We cannot be tried, for a liars tongue must be cut off, for the
people of Saudi cannot be tried with the liars prowess, for the liar
cannot martyr no more."}}

~Saddua Baffiz, Elected Delegate of Riyadh

_{^{| Conferences with the king have also left the state with pressing manners in the face of danger, with parliament being faced with complaints about the local delegation being oppressive, and some have even been 'liberated' from those hands of oppression. Though not many can tell how many settlements have been affected by the liberation group, the government moves to relieve those cities from the control of those people who call themselves liberators. The group had hinted at a takeover of Mecca, however, fast military arming caused the group to run off from such an event. Although no one can tell what the next event might be, something might be a strike on a medium sized oasis city, while others believe it may be even larger than that. Otherwise, however, this event just remains a whisper on some lips.}}

M I N I S T R Y  O F  P U B L I C  R E P E R S E N T A T I O N 

New Flag Selected !

_{^{Original Article from the Arabian Times}}

| The Saudi Flag. On it is a holy green of Islam and written is our great words of the Shahada. This flag waves under our nation and we accept it, however, might it be time to change that? On February 12th of this year, the king announced that the high courts of the Saudi Families would create a brand new flag as a mark of change. This new flag would be much different than the one we know today. The chosen flag design was a 5:6 ratio flag that would have three stripes, the top being black, the middle white, and the bottom green. The Saudi Shahada and Saudi Sword would be in the white stripe in the same green color as the bottom stripe. This new flag design was loved by the populace of Riyadh, the least happy city was Al-Sassnida, a border oasis city recently established, it is now Saudi Arabia's new national flag, and is now being promoted as such. This is not to say, however, that does not mean the orignal flag is not used elsewhere. The design is still used for the flag of the royals, high courts, and legislative positions. This new flag promotes new oppurutnies, and brand new hopes for arabia. We hope to see it wave over all of our heads in the near future !

𝐌 𝐈 𝐍 𝐈 𝐒 𝐓 𝐑 𝐘  𝐎 𝐅  𝐅 𝐎 𝐑 𝐄 𝐈 𝐆 𝐍  𝐀 𝐅 𝐅 𝐀 𝐈 𝐑 𝐒

𝐊𝐈𝐍𝐆𝐃𝐎𝐌 𝐓𝐎𝐖𝐄𝐑, 𝐑𝐈𝐘𝐀𝐃𝐇

A Visit to Japan/日本への訪問 - Government Statements/政府の声明

^{_{| The second week of the visit begins. The sultan has explained his time as grand! and beautiful! he even said once while on a call with government deputies; "Japan should be called a land of beauty and peace" the culture of Japan delighted the king as well, and some of his accompanying government officials took notes on Japanese architecture, culture, government strategy, and stated; "Implementations at home may be made!" as the visit continues, various government officials establish formal relations, like during a conference in Tokyo, the king stated that "He could call Japan his second home."}}

A Protest in Yemen; Government Dealings

| Civil Unrest grows in S. Yemen as people want to support the PRAP uprising in Saudi Arabia. As time goes on, PRAP gains more support, along with this, their support in Foreign states grows. For example, in the Eastern Coasts of Yemen, people begin to riot to tell the government to declare war on the crown of Saudi Arabia and fund the PRAP uprising, especially with the dispute of Al-Wadiyah, the chess board seems to play right onto PRAP's hands, and as they grow more and more distant from the overall nation, who can see what comes next. The government of Saudi Arabia warned that any involvement with the internal problem from Yemen would result in war. The government of S. Yemen headed the warning and is still not actively supporting PRAP, for fear of war. As this planned coup continues to grow, the government is fierce against foreign intervention, unless it is in support of the crown, for example, some american stationed troops have taken their heed alongside the royal army, same goes for the British Isles, which also have the same situation. The Saudi Crown can and will contain this virus as it tries to grow from outside the arab peninsula, for we cannot tell what comes next.

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
—

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1969년 10월 23일
_{Old Money vs. New Money}

_{The Necessity of Chaebols}

_{Kingdom of Korea}

| Korea’s pre-occupation economy was small and dominated by agricultural industries, and while Japanese occupation had spurred small-scale industrialisation, these businesses were in large Japanese owned and funded. Even following Korea’s independence, and subsequent unification, the economy remained stagnant but several businessmen jumped on the opportunity to mop up gaps in the economic market left by the Japanese who had fled back to Japan. The rampant corruption seen during President Rhee’s tenure had directly benefited these growing businesses, many of which had direct links to the regime, often receiving special treatment from his government in exchange for kick-backs and other payments. These small businesses grew what became known as ‘Chaebols’, literally translated as ‘rich family’ or ‘financial cliques’, often acting as their own mini-dynasty as nepotism is promoted above skill. |

| In 1960 following the April Revolution its leaders had promised to eradicate the corruption that had plagued the previous regime; promising to rid society of the injustice. Dozens of industry leaders and experts were arrested and tried for bribery and corruption, however it was quickly realised that the Government's ambitious economic plans would require their help. A quiet compromise was reached between the government and the businesses; the accused merely paid fines to the government in exchange for their freedom. This was the beginning of the cooperation between both parties, the need to work together was essential as the government looked to turn the economy away from consumer goods and light industries toward heavy, chemical, and import-substitution industries. |

| Over the last decade the Chaebols have dominated the economy, largely having focused on textiles, but diversity had become key, most Chaebols operate subsidiaries that focus entirely on one sector of the economy. The most recognisable Chaebols include; the Hyundai Group; Daewoo Industrial; the Samsung Group; the Lotte Corporation; and the Taekwang Group; these five groups alone are estimated to make up 35% of Korea’s GDP, having massively diversified from their original beginnings. Samsung who began as a trading company has now entered the light electronics sector. However as Korea’s government had on several occasions fumbled the bag on several foreign policy issues isolating several key partners, driving investment into the country had largely been through the hard work of these Chaebols. Many on the hard-left had often asked the question of who was really running the economy, but both the government and opposition SDP refused to address the issue. The growing power of the Chaebols had not just created questions over who was dictating government policy, but the monarchy’s restoration had also created some friction. The families of the Chaebols had often been considered the nation's cultural elites, and getting into their inner-circle was the golden ticket to a comfy life, now the monarchy had cemented itself as the definitive symbol of Korean culture it had become the Chaebols seeking to ascend higher. |

| The Korean Royal Family were by no means poor, operating much like its own Chaebol, following the end of the Second World War the then unrestored monarchy began building up a property portfolio, but following the removal of Syngman Rhee in 1961 the ownership of the Five Grand Palaces and other family lands had been returned to them.This bolstered their growing portfolio of property that had slowly been acquired between 1945 and 1960, most of the land being rented out to private businesses for commercial use. The Palaces would provide a boost with those not in use being opened up to the public for viewing and tours, as well as the gardens being transformed into country parks that could be enjoyed by visitors. Most of this accumulated wealth had been invested back into Korean businesses, including some that would go on to become the very Chaebols that sought approval. |

| The dynamic of what many called Old Money (landed) and New Money (business) was apparent, while private approval from the monarchy would make no difference to a chaebols' sales, it was easy to find those bestowed royal favour. The Lotte Corporation originally founded in Japan had been heavily pressured by Park Chung-hee and the monarchy to move their main base of operations to Korea having refused to enter the arms market, it had become a semi-regular site to randomly see royal household staff or indeed the occasional royal shopping in one of their stores. While the monarchy would never publicly endorse any product, the concept of a soft endorsement had become largely commonplace, however a new concept was being drawn up that would mimic that of the Royal Warrant used by the British monarchy, in which companies, products and brands would be given permission to use the royal seal of the different royals or the household if those products were in regularly use by either household or individual royal. |

| This domination of the Chaebols and monarchy had created an elite social and economic class that was driving Korea’s growth at the cost of leaving many behind, and while King Haneul remained on the throne it was likely to continue. Some sources had indicated that Crown Prince Hee-seung would likely scale back some of the monarchy’s involvement in the economy particularly at an investment level, it was clear that the relationship between the Government, Chaebols and Monarchy had become key to Korea’s goal of creating a developed economy. However privately the Chaebols had begun to realise that Korea’s government, while stable, had spent most of the last decade flip-flopping between the East and West and now was the time for Korea to finally pick a side and they had an obvious preference. |

| _{𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺}

| _{24 𝖮𝗄𝗍𝗈𝖻𝖾𝗋 1969}

──

| _{𝖱𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗈 𝖳𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗏𝗂𝗌𝗒𝖾𝗇 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺}

𝖯𝖾𝗋𝗃𝖺𝗇𝗃𝗂𝖺𝗇 𝖺𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗋𝖺 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇

| _{𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 [𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺] 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗀𝗁𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗀𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗇 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇, 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗈𝗇𝗅𝗒 [𝖠𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇] 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗁𝖾𝖽 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁. 𝖨𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗆𝗎𝗇𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗆𝖾 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗁𝗂𝗀𝗁 𝗉𝗋𝗂𝗈𝗋𝗂𝗍𝗒 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗌𝗈𝗎𝗀𝗁𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗈𝗍𝖾 𝖻𝗂𝗅𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝖼𝗈𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇, 𝗂𝗇 𝖺 𝗅𝗈𝗇𝗀-𝗍𝖾𝗋𝗆 𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗃𝖾𝖼𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝖻𝗎𝗂𝗅𝖽 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗄𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝖠𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺.}

_{𝖤𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗂𝖾𝗋 𝗍𝗁𝗂𝗌 𝗒𝖾𝖺𝗋, 𝖻𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖾𝖽 𝖺 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖾𝖽 𝖺 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝖻𝖾𝖾𝖿 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖼𝗈𝗍𝗍𝗈𝗇 𝖿𝗋𝗈𝗆 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝗅𝗈𝗐 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗆𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝖻𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗎𝗇𝖺𝗉𝗉𝖾𝖺𝗅𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝖻𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝖼𝗈𝗎𝗇𝗍𝗋𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝗀𝗈𝗏𝖾𝗋𝗇𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍𝗌. 𝖨𝗇 𝖺 𝖻𝗂𝖽 𝗍𝗈 𝗌𝗈𝗅𝗂𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗒 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 [𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺] 𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝖺 𝖽𝖾𝗅𝖾𝗀𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇 𝗍𝗈 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝗍𝗈 𝖺𝗍𝗍𝖾𝗆𝗉𝗍 𝗍𝗈 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖼𝗁 𝖺 𝗆𝗈𝖽𝗂𝖿𝗂𝖾𝖽 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝗆𝖾𝖾𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝗍𝖾𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗍𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝖻𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌.}

| _{𝖡𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗂𝗉𝖺𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝗂𝗇 𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗄𝗌 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗈𝗇𝗅𝗒 𝗅𝖺𝗌𝗍𝖾𝖽 𝖿𝗈𝗋 𝖺 𝖿𝖾𝗐 𝖽𝖺𝗒𝗌. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 [𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺] 𝖺𝗇𝗇𝗈𝗎𝗇𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝖺𝗅𝗄𝗌 𝗐𝗂𝗍𝗁 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝗐𝖺𝗌 𝗌𝗎𝖼𝖼𝖾𝗌𝗌𝖿𝗎𝗅𝗅𝗒 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝖾𝖿𝖿𝖾𝖼𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾𝗅𝗒 𝖼𝗈𝗇𝖼𝗅𝗎𝖽𝖾𝖽 𝖺 𝗇𝖾𝗐 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗇𝖾𝖿𝗂𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌𝗁𝗂𝗉. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 [𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌] 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝖺 𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗈𝗎𝗋 𝖼𝗈𝗋𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗉𝗈𝗇𝖽𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗌𝖺𝗒𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗍𝗁𝖺𝗍 𝖼𝗈𝗆𝗆𝖾𝗋𝖼𝗂𝖺𝗅 𝗋𝖾𝗉𝗋𝖾𝗌𝖾𝗇𝗍𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗏𝖾 𝗈𝖿𝖿𝗂𝖼𝖾𝗌 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖻𝖾 𝖾𝗌𝗍𝖺𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗌𝗁𝖾𝖽, 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝗏𝗈𝗅𝗎𝗆𝖾 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝖾 [𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗂𝖼𝗎𝗅𝖺𝗋𝗅𝗒 𝗂𝗇 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗈𝗋𝗍𝗌 𝗈𝖿 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇𝖾𝗌𝖾 𝗀𝗋𝖺𝗂𝗇], 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖿𝖿𝗂𝗋𝗆𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖻𝗎𝗌𝗂𝗇𝖾𝗌𝗌 𝗍𝗂𝖾𝗌 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗌𝗍𝗋𝖾𝗇𝗀𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖾𝖼𝗈𝗇𝗈𝗆𝗂𝖼 𝖼𝗈𝗈𝗉𝖾𝗋𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇.}

_{𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗂𝗇𝗀𝖺𝗉𝗎𝗋𝖺 𝖺𝗇𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌 𝗐𝗁𝗂𝖼𝗁 𝗁𝖺𝗌 𝖻𝖾𝖾𝗇 𝗂𝗆𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗏𝗂𝗇𝗀 [𝖺𝗍 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖻𝖾𝗀𝗂𝗇𝗇𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗒𝖾𝖺𝗋] 𝗐𝗈𝗎𝗅𝖽 𝖽𝖾𝖿𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗍𝖾𝗅𝗒 𝗂𝗇𝖼𝗋𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾 𝖿𝗎𝗋𝗍𝗁𝖾𝗋𝗆𝗈𝗋𝖾, 𝖺𝗌 𝖺 𝗋𝖾𝗌𝗎𝗅𝗍 𝗈𝖿 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝗌𝗂𝗀𝗇𝖾𝖽 𝖺𝗀𝗋𝖾𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍 𝗋𝖾𝖺𝖼𝗁𝖾𝖽 𝖻𝗒 𝖻𝗈𝗍𝗁 𝗇𝖺𝗍𝗂𝗈𝗇𝗌. 𝖳𝗁𝖾 𝖬𝗂𝗇𝗂𝗌𝗍𝗋𝗒 𝗈𝖿 𝖥𝗈𝗋𝖾𝗂𝗀𝗇 𝖠𝖿𝖿𝖺𝗂𝗋𝗌 𝗁𝖺𝖽 𝗂𝗇 𝗂𝗍𝗌 𝗌𝗍𝖺𝗍𝖾𝗆𝖾𝗇𝗍, 𝗋𝖾𝗅𝖾𝖺𝗌𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗈 𝗎𝗌, 𝖼𝖺𝗅𝗅𝖾𝖽 𝗍𝗁𝖾 𝖱𝖾𝗉𝗎𝖻𝗅𝗂𝗄 𝖲𝗎𝖽𝖺𝗇 𝖺 "𝗉𝗋𝗈𝗆𝗂𝗌𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝖠𝖿𝗋𝗂𝖼𝖺𝗇 𝗍𝗋𝖺𝖽𝗂𝗇𝗀 𝗉𝖺𝗋𝗍𝗇𝖾𝗋".}

_{THE ETHIOPIAN EMPIRE ✧ መንግሥተ ኢትዮጵያ✧ Oct. 1969}

ɴᴏᴛʜɪɴɢ ᴇᴠᴇʀ ɢᴇᴛꜱ ʙᴇᴛᴛᴇʀ

____________________________________________________________

| At this point, it has been clear, that the political instability in Ethiopia will not rest. Since mid-1967 paramilitaries connected to the Imperial Union and Democratic Nationalists have been disproportionately ratted out by the Imperial Police, while Vanguard militias remain untouched...furthermore the Vanguard party has have a surge in Oromo support, giving them traction for the elections next year. As expected, this has caused outrage in the circles of the Imperial Union and Democratic Nationalists. Especially after the Incident where the Imperial Police raided a Dem. Nationalist militia camp in Nekemte last month September 15 shortly after Enkutatash, leading to a major shootout that led to 10 innocent civilians dead. The September 15 Incident has fueled extreme polarization within Congress, everyone knows at this point that the Imperial Police is working with the Vanguardists In response to this, both the Imperial Union and Nationalists have founded their own "Sanctuary Cities" free from Imperial Police control, utilizing their militias as a substitution for police. Imperial Police that enter such cities are to be promptly detained and sent back. We have reached the point where authority is being outright refused, with even the throne taking a step back. The Emperor has condemned the formation of such militias, since the Sep. 15th raid. But did nothing against the formation of the sanctuary cities, some question why as if it was his incompetence or the sheer influence of the Dem. Nationalists have in the Military. PM Gebremariam has declared "no negotiation" with "shiftas" dubbing such sanctuary cities as illegal. To make matters worse, discourse within Congress was increasingly getting more polarized and radical, truly nothing has never recovered since the Meskel Bombings |

➠ For those who have been completely lost for what has been going on in Ethiopia; there are three major political factions, the left-wing Vanguard Party, the right-wing Imperial Union, and the militarist National Democratic Party. The Vanguard party is a populist party that rose up to prominence in the early 60s, however, it has been unable to make any progress since 1963. Since the midterms the Vanguard party has been stuck in a peculiar political position and since the Meskel Bombings tensions have rapidly increased. They have become sworn enemies, they cannot collaborate, with the Vanguard party under a minority government, everything is long and slow...

| Furthermore, in response to the increasing Oromo support towards the Vanguard party, the Imperial Union has been increasingly pandering towards the Amhara vote. As politics begin to draw ethnic lines former Deputy PM and N.S.C. Chief Advisor Mengistu Haile Mariam and Congressman Haddis Alemayehu have issued a joint warning against ethnic-identity politics. Mengistu had recently begun to enter politics since the beginning of this year, usually criticizing all sides of the aisle. Vanguard Party's inaction regarding political unity, the Imperial Union's unreasonable reactionaries, and the Dem. Nationalist corruption. He has become a voice for those disillusioned with the state of Ethiopian politics. With this newfound influence, Mengistu founds the Society for National Rejuvenation, its goal? Simple. "Total Rejuvenation and Reclamation of Ethiopia", as Mengistu put it, "It is clear that Western democracy is not working for Ethiopia, the Emperor has been brought to the will of mob rule and decadent parliamentary politics and it has led us to an even worse state than we were before...What is next? God forbid a Civil War. I will make sure this will never happen until my very last breath." Mengistu does not identify with the left nor the right. He "foresees" a new fourth theory, separate from Communism, Democracy, and Fascism. Congressman Haddis Alemayehu would shortly leave the Vanguard Party to join the SNR, immediately after the foundation of the SNR he would also release his book; Modern Ideological Fallacies and Decadence. It is a political work that frames the Intellectual and Cultural Left is Anti-Progressive and the Populist Right as destructive, especially those of the West. Capitalism and Communism are both anti-human materialistic ideological means towards the same ending, individualist liberalism leads to the death of culture, and Fascism is the result of the purest form of Mob-Rule. |

| Amidst all this the young Ethiopian democracy, harbors a hotbed of political extremism underneath its surfaces. Its flawed composition left it open to influences from exiles and fanatics, and a shadow battleground made up of covert paramilitary/militia clashes ferments beneath Ethiopia, a pandora's box of zealot ideas. This is evident with the increasing split within the Vanguard Party, largely split between more staunch left-wingers and populist pragmatics, while this division is largely unknown to the public, PM Gebremariam has held multiple closed party meetings attempting to mend the division before it becomes apparent that his very own party is now divided. For the Prime Minister himself, he never really identified himself the left as much as he is famed to be, however, it was a vacuum to be seized since the more radical All-Ethiopian Socialist Movement alienated more moderate socialists and left-wing sympathizers during prior elections. However, now he was at a crossroads; should the Vanguard party tilt more towards the left or keep it as it is? but he fears that more left-leaning factions of his party would simply make their own party or even worse, join the All-Ethiopian Socialist Movement as it is becoming increasingly more and more mainstream. Meanwhile, the Imperial Union has called for the arrest of all "left-wing proxies", the majority already advocate for the abolition of the position of the PM, restoring duties to the Emperor. The Democratic Nationalists, the dominant party since the revolution of the guards, have largely become a mouthpiece for nationalists within the military. The party's reputation is based on PM Aklilu Habte-Wolde's tenure (1957— 1961), while he did not do much to change the condition of Ethiopia, the party is largely popular with those simply seeking to keep the status quo or older generations who only simply support the party because the recognize Wolde's name. Nevertheless, those who are more invested in politics are usually ultranationalist pan-Ethiopians and militarists if they are Democratic Nationalist supporters. |

_{“All we can do is pray for Ethiopia....”}
― ...

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_{𝑺𝑼𝑩𝑳𝑰𝑴𝑬 𝑺𝑶𝑳𝑶𝑴𝑶𝑵𝑰𝑪 𝑺𝑻𝑨𝑻𝑬
𝑪𝑶𝑴𝑴𝑶𝑵𝑾𝑬𝑨𝑳𝑻𝑯 𝑶𝑭 𝑳𝑰𝑩𝑬𝑹𝑻𝒀}

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K I N G D O M  O F  S A U D I  A R A B I A | المملكة العربية السعودية

𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 ! ^₃

P A R T   T H R E E  -  T H E   B O M B S

_{^{October 26th, 1969}}

| Government in Arabia has always been somewhat stable. After the deceleration of the Peoples Republic of the Arabian Peninsula, the Saudi Kingdom went haywire. The kingdom was faced with months of tedious raids and annoying occurrences of raids from the PRAP. Chaos reigns supreme in this disorderly world, however, statements from various political entities have given hope to the demoralized populace of the kingdoms, with encouraging messages sent in between. Since the establishment of the PRAP in 1967, the corruption inside multiple military factions showed. As many high ranking officers began to show loyalty to the PRAP, it grew into a massive force of traitors. As the Yemeni Protests and Arab Uprisings began, the people of the Saudi Kingdom have drowned down into a state of turmoil and interruption. As people of this kingdom grow restless, the military had begun taking action in the 'liberated' cities by taking out the elected delegation. The National Police Force has struggled against rising tensions in local cities and have also seen rising opposition on border cities such as Dammam which has taken a multitude of different liberation groups in the past, and is currently in the control of the PRAP. The Royal Airforce has also been faced with increasing traitor marks as well, as now they commit bombings on larger cities, and begin ramping up difficulty as time goes on.

- For those who do not have knowledge of the current state of Saudi Arabia, the country is currently split into two factions; The PRAP and Saudi Kingdom. The PRAP aims for a more democratic, less spiritual, nation, while the Saudi Kingdom is the kingdom currently established and is fighting for the Saudi Crown. These opposing sides have been fighting for a few months now, and different events have taken place as the conflict progresses; Currently, 3 regions pledge loyalty to the PRAP; the Eastem Province, Asir, and Narjan, while the rest pledge loyalty to the crown of Saudi Arabia. The conflict is currently listed as ongoing by the national logistics programs.

| Riyadh has been in particular danger for a while. The Riyadh Airforce was mostly made up of Khayin*, while the local police force made up of Almala**, which added an odd dynamic to the two sides. However, an unspeakable crime would be committed on October 23rd. In what is known as 'the Kingdom Bombings', people of Riyadh were faced with a hour long bombing session that killed 456 and injured some 10,000. The Riyadh bombing would lead up to the Riyadh Siege, by belligerents of the PRAP, which is still ongoing right now. The nation has a collapse of order in rural areas, which now fend for themselves in what seems like a free for all. Democracy anywhere has been fully outlawed by the Saudi Government, considering it an act of rebellion to practice such discriminant acts. These new guidelines gave way to another new problems across the Saudi Kingdom. As this conflict grows, so does resentment to the crown.

| Along with this, the Al-Waidah dispute, the country has seen rising tensions with South Yemen. Although the two countries are currently not looking for war, it may change in the future. As the country progresses and grows, the need for expansion does as well. The Saudi Crown has always expressed interest in the northern Yemeni lands, while Yemen has had interest in the southern Arab lands. The two countries have both agreed upon a peace agreement, although it was never 'official', but it is upheld. Al-Waidah has even had its own uprisings. In the midst of October 17th, a few weeks ago, the city experienced a riot committed by a mix of Saudi and Yemeni protesters, with ~340 individuals, the riot was quelled, and the people were detained, the ones from Yemen deported back to their homelands. As brand new issues begin to surround New interests beyond respected borders, Al-Waidah becomes a center of dispute and spite.

𝗠 𝝞 𝝢 𝝞 𝗦 𝗧 𝗥 𝗬  𝝤 𝗙  𝗚 𝝤 𝗩 𝗘 𝗥 𝝢 𝗠 𝗘 𝝢 𝗧

| 𝝖𝗹𝗺𝗮𝗺𝗹𝗮𝗸𝗮𝘁 𝝖𝗹𝗲𝗮𝗿𝗮𝗯𝗶𝗮𝘁 𝝖𝗹𝘀𝘂𝗲𝘂𝗱𝗶𝗮

| 𝐌𝐔𝐇𝐀𝐌𝐌𝐀𝐃 𝐒𝐏𝐈𝐑𝐄, 𝐌𝐄𝐂𝐂𝐀

A Government in Turmoil

| Saudi Arabia had a orderly government under one king, this, however, all changed when the first crime commited by the PRAP took place on Febuary 15th. Since then, the PRAP has ravaged across Saudi Arabia and caused turmoil for local governments. The terror is only best displayed when looked at from the Arabian Times News outlet;

╒═════════════════════════════════════════════════════

[The Transmission had just cut from the news room to the reporter]

| ASNADFIDA _{^{Reporter of the Arab Times}} | "Well Safdas, we can see a pretty dramatic change being made here in Mecca with the construction of Kasnfafa Tower-

[Explosion is recorded at the construction site, as the camera pans to record, the reporter looks terrified at the site]

| ASNADFIDA _{^{Reporter of the Arab Times}} | "What... what the f**k!!?!? Jasan, I think we need to get out of here, NOW! Get in the damn van! Move it!

[The start of a vehicle can be heard as the screeching of tires hit the hard rock on the surface, as more explosions can be heard in the background, gunfire now accompanying it.]

| JASANFAVANA QATARIAF _{^{Cameraman of the Arab Times}} | "Hey, Asana, where the hell should we go? The nearest city is Medina, I think, lets head there-"

[Gunfire was heard coming through the window, and blood spilled over the camera and car. Two bodies were dragged out, presumed to be that of the cameraman and reporter]

╘═════════════════════════════════════════════════════

This event was known as the Mecca Bombings, which were a series of bombings on important sites in Mecca, excluding the important holy sites. As far as the logistics department is concerned, groups responsible for the bombings were a group of ~3,000, which consisted of Arabs, Yemeni, Qatari, Omani, Egyptian, and Ethiopian belligerents. The state has only convicted 1,345 sure suspects, however the other 2,000 remained unserved from the national guard. The royal police force is currently searching for other suspects as the case continues. Local revolutionized governments were taken down either by local riots are by forceful invasion by rebel forces. The Country is currently facing turmoil as time continues; but Allah has not lost faith in his chosen land.

^{_{*The word of Traitors
**The word for Royal Men
3 - Part of a Series}}

October 1969
_{Gates of Gold}

J U S T I C E    I S    S E R V E D ?

FILIPINO POLITICAL GAMESMANSHIP
_{MANILA, THE MANILA PROVINCE, REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES, Provenancia - MORNING}

| With the opposition LIBERAL PARTY unlikely to usurp the strength of the center-right NACIONALISTA PARTY and the administration of PRESIDENT FERDINAND MARCOS, many pundits liked to quip that the true leader of the opposition to the Marcos Administration was none other than ROBERTO CONCEPCION, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, an appointee of President CAMILO OSIAS, also of the NP. Concepcion, at the head of the Court, and wielding strong influence over his fellow jurors, steered the Court through various cases, oftentimes questioning what he described as the "concerningly centralized nature" of the Marcos administration. Justice Concepcion was faced with one of the greatest questions of his career in— |

| The AQUINO V. MARCOS decision was celebrated by liberal and progressive groups, student activist bodies and civil rights organizations, but was strongly and quickly criticized by the Marcos administration. A group of 10 Nacionalista senators and 23 Nacionalista Congressmen signed a joint statement criticizing the Supreme Court for "unnecessarily and unconstitutionally slimming down and weakening the authority of the President" and for "politicizing the Court". Protests and counter-protests then followed, with pro- and anti-demonstrators alike marching down the MENDIOLA chanting slogans at the PLAZA MIRANDA— |

PROTECT OUR DEMOCRACY! ... THANK YOU JUSTICE CONCEPCION! ... NO TO WAR! ... VIETNAM: NOT OUR FIGHT! ... PILIPINAS FOR PEACE

| MARCOS ADMINISTRATION BACKERS, most prominently SEC. JUAN PONCE ENRILE, the Secretary of Justice, pledged to appeal the decision on behalf of the President and "prevent the collapse of our justice system". ENRILE, a close ally of the President who had previously worked on his initial 1966 campaign and then served as Undersecretary of Finance from 1966 to 1968, took to the radios and the televisions and the newspapers to broadcast his message critical of the Supreme Court. Public opinion, generally, however appeared to be in favor of the Court's decision — war was UNPOPULAR, with the Vietnam question garnering only 42% support among Filipinos. While the anti-communist fighter days of Ramon Magsaysay were still relatively fresh in memory, many mothers and fathers were not willing to risk the lives of their children fighting in Vietnam. With election year approaching, MALACANANG sought to find a way out of their public opinion predicament as PRESIDENT MARCOS continued to seek alternative pathways to deploy Philippine personnel to Vietnam to support the country's American partners. |

| In late October, a few weeks after the early Oct. ruling of the Supreme Court, the MARCOS ADMINISTRATION embarked on a national tour aimed at unveiling a series of new executive actions aimed at repealing many agricultural regulations, unleashing the potential of Filipino farmers, and embarking upon an ambitious infrastructure project to drastically reduce the travel time between Baguio, Manila, and Naga City, as well as boost inter-provincial trade on LUZON province. President Marcos visited TAGAYTAY, then CLARK AIR BASE, then BAGUIO then ISABELA province. The tour would continue throughout November, and Malacanang would confirm that it would continue to the end of the year. |

| President Marcos's wife, the infamous IMELDA MARCOS, known for her great opulence and extravagance, was dispatched by her powerful husband to lead the openings of several high-profile cultural events. All were built around the "Bagong Lipunan" policy umbrella of the Marcos administration — it roughly translates to New Society. A new center for heart and lung research in QUEZON CITY, new public hospitals in LAS PINAS, a new site for housing development in PASIG — the ambition of the administration was practically boundless. |

| While the media news cycle redirected most public attention away from the tense Supreme Court ruling in October on Aquino v. Marcos, the Liberal Party and student groups and alliances were determined to oust the President in the coming elections this 1970. SENATOR NINOY AQUINO, the leader of the opposition in government and the head plaintiff in the Supreme Court case, was organizing a strong list of candidates for the Senate with the aim of at the very least flipping a chamber and disrupting a second Marcos agenda. This, however, would prove to be an uphill task, with polling by the MANILA TIMES indicating Marcos leading Aquino with 46% to 42%. There were also increasing worries that the coming election season would be one of the most tense, with fired-up opposition groups ready to be pitted against supporters of the incumbent administration. |

The Three Princes

| Scene 2, Act 1 |
| First Blood |
______________
_{October, 1969}

The game had begun just a few months ago, and two major events had given the Senior Minister for Commerce, Nnamdi Azikiwe the upper-hand in the opening act of the Three Princes. The 1969 Budget, which had discussed and debated for a few weeks between Baelwa Loyalists wanting to adopt to a more pro-US approach, aiming at faster de-regulation and allowing investors to buy into key markets, and Azikiwe’s more moderate and cautious approach, wanting to hold off any drastic de-regulation and adapt a more gradual approach to market-based reforms. It was clear this split in the cabinet was bigger than purely a policy difference. Gaining a compromise between the two would automatically be a win for Azikiwe and his loyalist band and showcase his influence on the government at full strength. Forcing Balewa with a budget deemed only as a half measure would not just be a blow to the confidence inside government, but also offer time to Azikiwe’s faction to hold their cards out for the longer and wait in the sidelines for an extended time. The budget easily passed the unicameral National Assembly, even supported by the Liberal Alliance, but internally, a blow to Balewa’s confidence and his own faction and showing the opening cracks of a growing sense of disloyalty and instability in Nigeria’s first democratic government in 7 years. But this would be simply a minor blow to what was coming for President Balewa and his faction in the cabinet.

By September of 1969, Balewa had announced a new operation to crackdown on remaining dissidents in the Niagara region, who had remained active in the region since the signing of the Treaty of Lagos earlier that year, with over 2,500 soldiers set to be deployed mostly in the rural farmlands of the oil-rich region. The aim was to military suppress the Biafra Nationalist Front (BNF) in a brutal and quick fashion and continue operations in a more silent fashion with the deployment of the newly-formed Nigerian Security Corps to deal with any remaining terrorist behaviour in the region in a much more long-term sense. In terms of his own personal and party popularity, it would create the dynamic he had been gambling for years - Unity and the “One Nigeria” doctrine. Defeating them would also foil any attempt at ousting him in the near future and would put quiet any rumours of Azikiwe becoming the new President. But the other prince of Gowon, who had quietly been building up his own powerbase, mostly outside of the central government, was put to lead Operation Syndicate. His aim was to make it out to be a success, but his own personal success, and the hope of that was to create a scapegoat inside the central government if something was to be go wrong. If the operation failed, Gowon would simply place public blame on the newly-installed Balewa loyalist, Musa Yar'Adua, and could deal a deep blow to the government and the President himself.

The 3 week period in September saw the BNF for the most part crushed by a far superior, better armed and better supplied Federal Nigerian Army, although minute pockets remained scattered across the region, for the large part, was stabilised. However, after the operation had died down in terms of the scale and activity, Gowon had discussed with one of Nigeria’s biggest media outlets, the Kano Outlet, which was heavily popular amongst the rural farmers of Nigeria, to accuse the Nigerian Government of allowing the committing of war crimes on BNF soldiers. While it may or may not have been true, Gowon was the leading man of the operation, and so a genuine attempt to create something out of nothing. His own personal loyalists, unlike Azikme and Balewa, were more outside the government, either in regional governments or in the media, and one of his most trusted allies was one of the chief editors of the Kano Outlet, who happily allowed the publication to enter front pages on the morning of the 22nd September, 1969.

Chaos struck the Balewa government - perhaps even to an extent, their first crisis. Responding to this accusation could go one of the two ways. Either shift the blame back onto Gowon, which could open the chest to even more scrutiny from either Gowon’s loyalist’s or Azikime’s in government, or accept the blame and let someone go, and that someone was either the Senior Minister for Defence, that being his own loyalist and long-time ally, Ladoke Akintola, the Senior Minister for Internal Security, of which was another loyalist, named of Festus Okotie-Eboh, a long-time figure in the party and government who had been a skilled political strategist during the civil war years or his veteran friend, the Minister for Military Affairs, Musa Yar'Adua. Whoever he was to sack, it would be a blow to himself, his confidence in government and the political game in government with Azikiwe. He knew he had to accept it to avoid growing out the political skirmish with Gowon, and so looked to sack the Senior Minister for Internal Security, Okotie-Eboh, and place the Musa as the new Senior Minister for IS. Shortly after that, he would abolish the Minster for Military Affairs. This was a big blow in many different ways.

Firstly, it showed a clear weakness in the government, created a potential crisis in confidence for the President, allowed Gowon to walk free and most importantly of all, gave Azikime another front to battle on, that being with Gowon or without him. He didn’t care if it was true or not. Balewa knew for certain that both his former advisor and second in command, and the popular general of the Nigerian Army, Azikime and Gowon, were in it for the long haul. Is Azikime going to strike first and cause chaos early doors, or hold his cards and wait for the perfect tune? Was it merely a warning shot from Gowon, or the beginning of a tense battle between government and military?

Nigeria’s road to recovery is now firmly interwoven with the battle for power in the Three Princes. How quickly they recover, and if they recover at all, will come down to who holds their cards and who goes all in. The question is - who will become the true King of Nigeria.

SHŌWA 44 | NOVEMBER 1969
ニクソン・佐藤声明


NIXON-SATO STATEMENT

 S A T O    I N    A M E R I C A ¹ 

 オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり 

O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly!

THE WHITE HOUSE, Paramountica — JOINT STATEMENT

日本 | Nixon-Sato Statement | NOV '69

by The State of Nippon-Nihon

⌂ 日本 | Nihon

_{President RICHARD NIXON and Prime Minister EISAKU SATO during welcoming ceremonies at the White House.}

	THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON D.C., Paramountica — AFTERNOON
	RICHARD NIXON and EISAKU SATO met in Washington on November 19, 20 and 21, 1969, to exchange views on the present international situation and on other matters of mutual interest to the United States and Japan. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER recognized that both the United States and Japan have greatly benefited from their close association in a variety of fields, and they declared that guided by their common principles of democracy and liberty, the two countries would maintain and strengthen their fruitful cooperation in the continuing search for world peace and prosperity and in particular for the relaxation of international tensions. The PRESIDENT expressed his and his government's deep interest in Asia and stated his belief that the United States and Japan should cooperate in contributing to the peace and prosperity of the region. The PRIME MINISTER stated that Japan would make further active contributions to the peace and prosperity of Asia. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER exchanged frank views on the current international situation, with particular attention to developments in the Far East. The PRESIDENT, while emphasizing that the countries in the area were expected to make their own efforts for the stability of the area, gave assurance that the United States would continue to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security in the Far East by honoring its defense treaty obligations in the area. The PRIME MINISTER, appreciating the determination of the United States, stressed that it was important for the peace and security of the Far East that the United States should be in a position to carry out fully its obligations referred to by The PRESIDENT. He further expressed his recognition that, in the light of the present situation, the presence of United States forces in the Far East constituted a mainstay for the stability of the area. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER specifically noted the continuing tension over the Korean peninsula. The PRIME MINISTER deeply appreciated the peacekeeping efforts of the United Nations in the area and stated that the security of the Republic of Korea was essential to Japan's own security. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER shared the hope that Communist China would adopt a more cooperative and constructive attitude in its external relations. The PRESIDENT referred to the treaty obligations of his country to the Republic of China which the United States would uphold. The PRIME MINISTER said that the maintenance of peace and security in the Taiwan area was also a most important factor for the security of Japan. The PRESIDENT described the earnest efforts made by the United States for a peaceful and just settlement of the Viet-Nam problem. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER expressed the strong hope that the war in Viet-Nam would be concluded before return of the administrative rights over Okinawa to Japan. In this connection, they agreed that, should peace in Viet-Nam not have been realized by the time reversion of Okinawa is scheduled to take place, the two governments would fully consult with each other in the light of the situation at that time so that reversion would be accomplished without affecting the United States efforts to assure the South Vietnamese people the opportunity to determine their own political future without outside interference. The PRIME MINISTER stated that Japan was exploring what role she could play in bringing about stability in the Indochina area. In light of the current situation and the prospects in the Far East, The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER agreed that they highly valued the role played by the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security in maintaining the peace and security of the Far East including Japan, and they affirmed the intention of the two governments firmly to maintain the Treaty on the basis of mutual trust and common evaluation of the international situation. They further agreed that the two governments should maintain close contact with each other on matters affecting the peace and security of the Far East including Japan, and on the implementation of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security. The PRIME MINISTER emphasized his view that the time had come to respond to the strong desire of the people of Japan, of both the mainland and Okinawa, to have the administrative rights over Okinawa returned to Japan on the basis of the friendly relations between the United States and Japan and thereby to restore Okinawa to its normal status. The PRESIDENT expressed appreciation of the PRIME MINISTER's view. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER also recognized the vital role played by United States forces in Okinawa in the present situation in the Far East. As a result of their discussion it was agreed that the mutual security interests of the United States and Japan could be accommodated within arrangements for the return of the administrative rights over Okinawa to Japan. They therefore agreed that the two governments would immediately enter into consultations regarding specific arrangements for accomplishing the early reversion of Okinawa without detriment to the security of the Far East including Japan. They further agreed to expedite the consultations with a view to accomplishing the reversion during 1972 subject to the conclusion of these specific arrangements with the necessary legislative support. In this connection, The PRIME MINISTER made clear the intention of his government, following reversion, to assume gradually the responsibility for the immediate defense of Okinawa as part of Japan's defense efforts for her own territories. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER agreed also that the United States would retain under the terms of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security such military facilities and areas in Okinawa as required in the mutual security of both countries. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER agreed that, upon return of the administrative rights, the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security and its related arrangements would apply to Okinawa without modification thereof. In this connection, The PRIME MINISTER affirmed the recognition of his government that the security of Japan could not be adequately maintained without international peace and security in the Far East and, therefore, the security of countries in the Far East was a matter of serious concern for Japan. The PRIME MINISTER was of the view that, in the light of such recognition on the part of the Japanese Government, the return of the administrative rights over Okinawa in the manner agreed above should not hinder the effective discharge of the international obligations assumed by the United States for the defense of countries in the Far East including Japan. The PRESIDENT replied that he shared The PRIME MINISTER's view. The PRIME MINISTER described in detail the particular sentiment of the Japanese people against nuclear weapons and the policy of the Japanese Government reflecting such sentiment. The PRESIDENT expressed his deep understanding and assured The PRIME MINISTER that, without prejudice to the position of the United States Government with respect to the prior consultation system under the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security, the reversion of Okinawa would be carried out in a manner consistent with the policy of the Japanese Government as described by The PRIME MINISTER. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER took note of the fact that there would be a number of financial and economic problems, including those concerning United States business interests in Okinawa, to be solved between the two countries in connection with the transfer of the administrative rights over Okinawa to Japan and agreed that detailed discussions relative to their solution would be initiated promptly. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER, recognizing the complexity of the problems involved in the reversion of Okinawa, agreed that the two governments should consult closely and cooperate on the measures necessary to assure a smooth transfer of administrative rights to the Japanese Government in accordance with reversion arrangements to be agreed to by both governments. They agreed that the United States-Japan Consultative Committee in Tokyo should undertake overall responsibility for this preparatory work. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER decided to establish in Okinawa a Preparatory Commission in place of the existing Advisory Committee to the High Commissioner of the Ryukyu Islands for the purpose of consulting and coordinating locally on measures relating to preparation for the transfer of administrative rights, including necessary assistance to the Government of the Ryukyu Islands. The Preparatory Commission will be composed of a representative of the Japanese Government with ambassadorial rank and the High Commissioner of the Ryukyu Islands with the Chief Executive of the Government of the Ryukyu Islands acting as adviser to the Commission. The Commission will report and make recommendations to the two governments through the United States-Japan Consultative Committee. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER expressed their conviction that a mutually satisfactory solution of the question of the return of the administrative rights over Okinawa to Japan, which is the last of the major issues between the two countries arising from the Second World War, would further strengthen United States-Japan relations which are based on friendship and mutual trust and would make a major contribution to the peace and security of the Far East. In their discussion of economic matters, The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER noted the marked growth in economic relations between the two countries. They also acknowledged that the leading positions which their countries occupy in the world economy impose important responsibilities on each for the maintenance and strengthening of the international trade and monetary system, especially in the light of the current large imbalances in trade and payments. In this regard, The PRESIDENT stressed his determination to bring inflation in the United States under control. He also reaffirmed the commitment of the United States to the principle of promoting freer trade. The PRIME MINISTER indicated the intention of the Japanese Government to accelerate rapidly the reduction of Japan's trade and capital restrictions. Specifically, he stated the intention of the Japanese Government to remove Japan's residual import quota restrictions over a broad range of products by the end of 1971 and to make maximum efforts to accelerate the liberalization of the remaining items. He added that the Japanese Government intends to make periodic reviews of its liberalization program with a view to implementing trade liberalization at a more accelerated pace than hitherto. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER agreed that their respective actions would further solidify the foundation of overall U.S.-Japan relations. President RICHARD NIXON hosted a formal dinner for Prime Minister EISAKU SATO. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER agreed that attention to the economic needs of the developing countries was essential to the development of international peace and stability. The PRIME MINISTER stated the intention of the Japanese Government to expand and improve its aid programs in Asia commensurate with the economic growth of Japan. The PRESIDENT welcomed this statement and confirmed that the United States would continue to contribute to the economic development of Asia. The PRIME MINISTER and The PRIME MINISTER recognized that there would be major requirements for the post-war rehabilitation of Viet-Nam and elsewhere in Southeast Asia. The PRIME MINISTER stated the intention of the Japanese Government to make a substantial contribution to this end. The PRIME MINISTER congratulated the PRESIDENT on the successful moon landing of Apollo XII, and expressed the hope for a safe journey back to earth for the astronauts. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER agreed that the exploration of space offers great opportunities for expanding cooperation in peaceful scientific projects among all nations. In this connection, The PRIME MINISTER noted with pleasure that the United States and Japan last summer had concluded an agreement on space cooperation. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER agreed that implementation of this unique program is of importance to both countries. The PRESIDENT and The PRIME MINISTER discussed prospects for the promotion of arms control and the slowing down of the arms race. The PRESIDENT outlined his Government's efforts to initiate the strategic arms limitations talks with the Soviet Union that have recently started in Helsinki. The PRIME MINISTER expressed his Government's strong hopes for the success of these talks. The PRIME MINISTER pointed out his country's strong and traditional interest in effective disarmament measures with a view to achievement of general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control.

_{Designed by Paramountica, Assembled for Commonwealth of Liberty.}

Read dispatch

____________
_{¹ SATO IN AMERICA, American President Richard Nixon welcomed Japanese Prime Minister Eisaku Sato to the White House.}

SHŌWA 44 | NOVEMBER 1969
沖縄協定


OKINAWA ACCORD

 M E M O R Y    O F    A    D E F E A T 

 オー・スネイル 富士山に登ろう でも、ゆっくり、ゆっくり 

O Snail; Climb Mount Fuji But slowly, slowly!

NAGATACHŌ — EVENING
_{TOKYO, Nippon-Nihon}

| Okinawa remained a reminder of Japan’s defeat for a quarter of a century. Liberated by the Americans in the final days of the war, it continued to be an American-occupied area even after Japan regained sovereignty. In Washington, during two days of talks, RICHARD NIXON and EISAKU SATO agreed on a timetable for the long-promised return to Japanese control of the Ryukyu Islands, with Okinawa their largest island. The agreement puts an end to the last unfinished business regarding the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. At the National Press Club, The PRIME MINISTER’s speech, although he spoke English fluently with an accent, hailed the Okinawa agreement as the end of the post-war period. By satisfactorily resolving the Okinawa issue, The PRIME MINISTER greatly improved his domestic political position. |

| Under the terms of the agreement, the Ryukyu Islands returned to Japan in 1972. The Americans, however, will maintain their military bases there. These bases must follow the terms of the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security and Cooperation Treaty, which prohibits Washington from using nuclear weapons without Tokyo’s approval. Before Japan took control, the Americans withdrew their nuclear weapons there. If the Vietnam War is not over by then, the Americans have reserved the option of asking the Japanese for permission to fly combat support missions from Okinawa, where most of the B-52s are currently located. In return, The PRIME MINISTER made important concessions. He promised to shoulder a greater share of the burden of Asian defense. The PRIME MINISTER will also increase Japan’s economic aid to other Asian nations. On the trade front, The PRIME MINISTER promised that Japan to use the multilateral Geneva talks to resolve problems created by the rapid expansion of the Japanese textile industry, which has flooded the American market with its low-cost synthetic fibers. |

| Still, the Okinawa agreement is expected to give the Liberal Democratic Party an unprecedented opportunity to maintain control of the Diet. American control and use of Okinawa as a base for Vietnam war operations has long been sensitive to Japanese antimilitarists, and the party has staked its political future on reversion. In Tokyo, party leaders have already hailed Washington’s statement as a demonstration of mutual trust and friendship between Americans and Japanese. Although a minority of radical students and workers oppose any American presence in Japan or Okinawa, a substantial majority of Japanese support The PRIME MINISTER’s plan for continued cooperation with the Americans. A master of political timing, The PRIME MINISTER is expected to capitalize on his new advantage by convening an extraordinary session of the Diet to hear his report on Okinawa and then scheduling parliamentary elections. If that happens, The PRIME MINISTER can reasonably expect that his party, which now holds 273 of Japan’s lower house’s 486 seats, might even gain some seats, perhaps at the expense of the Socialists. |

| DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF KURDISTAN - KOMARA DEMOKRATA KURDISTANÊ |

The Great Leader Recovers as Kurdistan Contemplates the Succession
_{| Amed Capital District
| October, 1968 - January, 1969}
-
After suffering a stroke and subsequent coma, Remman begins to consider Kurdistan without himself and names a formal successor.
___________________

The political climate of Kurdistan was thrown into sudden disarray when the Great Leader Mazar Remman, President of the Republic, suffered a stroke in early October of 1968. The President, now 63 years old, collapsed in his office and was taken to City Hospital #2 where he slipped into a coma. With no Vice-President in the Kurdish system, there was not a clear substitute leader in the President’s absence. Immediate power fell to the RNLF Political Bureau, which form the elite of the country’s politics.

At a Politburo meeting convened immediately after Remman’s stroke, the Minister of Defense, Major General Serhildan Bahram, asserted himself as the de facto leader and sought to have the People’s Assembly name him Acting President. The 11 members of the Politburo were divided on Bahram’s play, with 4- plus Bahram himself- supporting the motion, but 6 opposing it. He would not be made Acting President but with his opponents in the Politburo themselves too divided to rally around a replacement, his unofficial leadership of the Politburo was conceded to. He formed a working alliance with Colonel Diyako Memreshi, the most extreme-left member of the Politburo and the current Foreign Minister. The two assumed responsibility for many functions of the state including carrying out scheduled diplomatic negotiations with Syria.

Just over three weeks after his stroke Remman finally emerged from his coma. Within a few days it became clear the long-term effects would be minimal and though beleaguered he was eager to resume responsibility. All but perhaps Bahram was relieved to have the President back on his feet. While the change was not immediate, his actions during the coma would prove disastrous for his political position. Seeds of distrust were sown in Remman's mind and within a month Bahram would lose all practical influence as Minister of Defense.

Though he himself came to power via a military coup, President Remman became markedly wary of his military after the coma. Once his base of power and source of loyalists, the People’s Army now seemed to the President to be a potential source of opposition. The military could be broadly divided into moderate and radical factions and of the two the radical officers seemed mostly likely to organize a coup against him. On the 4th of December, Col. Memreshi was sacked as Foreign Minister and subsequently arrested by the State Security Directorate. 14 more of the most politically extreme senior officers were arrested, purging many of Bahram’s allies. Rumors swirled that Memreshi had been executed at a political prison in the Zagros Mountains.

Fearing for his life and position, Bahram approached the President in person and swore his allegiance, disavowing his actions during the coma and any possible plot in the military. Perhaps assuaged by this, Remman stated the man would keep his position but that any further acts of such entitlement would result in his immediate end. From here on it was clear Bahram was no longer the #2 man in the Amed Capital District. And a new fervor had been awoken in the President to find a formal successor for the Presidency, especially in the event he were to die in office.

In an address to the 32-man Central Committee of the Revolutionary National Labor Front the President expressed his intent to create a formal position of Vice-President within the constitution of the Democratic Republic of Kurdistan. This announcement kicked off a flurry of political activity inside the Kurdish government and military. Remman had essentially announced his intent to name a successor as it became clear he intended for the office of Vice-President to succeed the Presidency if needed. With Bahram disgraced, there was no clear pick for the office and now the disparate factions of Kurdish politics had the opportunity to seriously elevate their position.

The fortunes of radical officers had recently worsened and so it seemed likely that Remman would choose a more moderate member of the military to succeed him. The clearest choice among them was Brig. Gen. Khidr Abdullah Rasul, Inspector-General of the Kurdish People’s Army and a member of the RNLF’s Central Committee. Since his appointment in 1966, he has ruthlessly asserted Remman’s control over the organization, arresting dozens of officers on charges of conspiracy or corruption. Also vying is Lt. Gen. Kaka Ziad Koya, who recently finished a stint as Chief of Staff of the People’s Army.

It was also possible that Remman would forgo the military entirely and select a member of Kurdistan’s burgeoning class of bureaucrats and public functionaries. But this group is divided on many ideological matters, especially those of military and economic policy. Of the more moderate civilians, leaders include the longtime Minister of Development, Avdel Rostami, and one of the RNLF’s Deputy-Secretaries, Mustafa Qaradaghi. The two are proponents of a reduced role for the Kurdish People’s Army as well as supporting some liberalizing reforms within the Kurdish economy and opposing more progress for the rights of women in Kurdish society. Opposite them are men like Nouri Shaweis, the other Deputy-Secretary of the RNLF, and one of the most prominent Marxists in the party. Having formerly served as Speaker of the People’s Assembly, Shaweis is a leader of high reputation in Kurdistan and one of Remman’s closest personal advisors. His allies include the Minister of Education, Ali Hazhar, and Hashim Akreyi, one of the RNLF’s chief disciplinarians.

On January 7th 1969, the People’s Assembly passed Amendment #04 to the Kurdish Constitution, legally creating the office of Vice-President. The act designates the VP as the formal successor should the President die in office, being allowed to finish the current term before the People’s Assembly selects the next President. On the 9th, subsequent legislation was adopted that named Avdel Rostami as the first Vice-President of the Democratic Republic. As an apparent olive branch to civilian radicals, Ali Hazhar would be named Development Minister, and Hashim Akreyi named Education Minister in turn. Rostami’s naming sent shockwaves throughout the state, party, and military apparatuses. In a few short moves President Remman had shifted the source of many of his closest subordinates from the military to civilians. Spooked by the actions of his Defense Minister, the aging dictator had now pushed his military compatriots to the margins.
__________________

K I N G D O M  O F  S A U D I  A R A B I A | المملكة العربية السعودية

⁴ 𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 !

P A R T   F O U R  -  C A P T U R E D

| "Our people. . . cannot be tried." a quote from formal king of the emirate A. Saud, grandfather of the current king. This king is important, responsible for the unification of Saudi Arabia. A founders wish in vain. The PRAP, a subject for many, has now grown from a simple rebellion, to a revolution. This evening, Mecca was bombed again, this time some damage was done to the important spiritual sites; caused local authorities to surrender, for fear of the damage of more important sites. Mecca is now in the hands of the People's Republic of the Arabian Peninsula, with these provinces under their control;

• Makkah (Mecca)

• Eastem Province

• Narjan

• Asir

• Jizan

• Bahah

• Tabuk

| New Threats now lead to the idea that this rebellion may have a chance of succeeding. The Eastem National Airforce Base was taken by the PRAP forces a week ago, with Makkah being taken this evening. This rebellion continues to grow into a revolution, coming close to taking the crown's life. The Royal Military now arms itself around Riyadh, the final target of the Rebels. Suspicion grows around the inside military, as no one can tell who is a traitor and who is a loyalist, for the impostor situation has grown out of control. With hundreds now found out to be traitors. This growing movement grows with the day, and the crown is in serious danger. As no foreign help has arrived for the crown, hopes seem low. This does not mean the crown has given up, however. Royal Military Forces now surround a successful offensive in the Al-Khobar, and the military progresses to recapture Mecca. Only 378 soldiers are wounded, killed, or missing, while over 1,345 men on the PRAP offensive forces went missing, were killed, or wounded. Now, in the PRAP controlled Al-Waidah, South Sudan has not given any mind towards the manner, dealing with internal issues. As the forces draw closer, more cities could be lifted from rebel control. Royal Airforce has recouped at Riyadh National Airforce Center, and are back in the skies. A new offensive could be launched in the future, and Rebel hands could be broken, and the chess game checkmated.

𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 𝐨𝐟 𝐀𝐫𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐚

𝐌𝐄𝐂𝐂𝐀, 𝐌𝐀𝐊𝐊𝐀, 𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝐏𝐄𝐎𝐏𝐋𝐄𝐒 𝐑𝐄𝐏𝐔𝐁𝐋𝐈𝐂 𝐎𝐅 𝐀𝐑𝐀𝐁𝐈𝐀

| P R E S I D E N T I A L   R E P O R T |

|KHMER NASSAU ^{_{Elected President of the Republic of Arabia}}| "Citizens of the Republic, I grant you our grand victory over Mecca! An astonishing accomplishment by our royal military. The Crown's oppressive hand no longer reigns over us, now the light of freedom can fall on to our heads, and we can shower in its glorious shine!"

|Ministers Beside Khmer Clap, as the public outside the podium claps|

|HAEMAH KHALAF ^{_{Minister of the Interior, the Republic of Arabia}}| "As our beloved president stated, this momentous victory over the crown is sure to help us win the war, as foreign powers do not take into account the current conflict, we should be good to go. As well, we have had unofficial support from Egyptian Authorities, funding war efforts and weapons. As far as the Ministry of the Interior is concerned, the Egyptian Government is unaware of the unofficial support, a good thing I suppose."

| The Crowed erupts in cheers and praise, chanting "Tahya Althawratu! Tahya Althawratu!" as the Haemah signals to quiet down, the people abruptly stop. |

|KHMER NASSAU ^{_{Elected President of the Republic of Arabia}}| "We can now give the go for a invasion of Riyadh. This fight will decide the fate of the Republic, Crown, and the entirety of the Arabian Peninsula. We can do our part! Afterwards, if the fight is won, we can take care of the issue with Southern Yemen, if needed by force!"

| Claps can be heard as the crowd stomps on the floor, signaling the praise. The banner of the republic flies over Mecca, the City of Islam. |

^{_{4 - Part of a Series}}

_{Links to the rest of the series on}
Live the Peoples Republic !

1. Part 1

2. Part 2

3. Part 3

4. Part 4

Adriatican Islands
Amsterwald
Anglo channel
Arcanda
Bhaarat Lok
Cascadla
Cheezaslovakia
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hatzburg
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Klingenthalerburg
Kotakuan II
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Mutawakkiliti
Nevbrejnovitz
NewAuroria
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
OsivoII
Paramountica
Paseo
Peking Zhongguo
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Rio de la plata argentina
Rutannia
Saudi Arabiyah
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Spain-
The Confederate Prussian Empire
United Jericho
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam sv
Virnall

OCTOBER , 1969
Very Able Troopers 69

| With the communist insurgents still active as ever in Malaysia's north. As reports had come in throughout the year on communist activities, with the activities that shine through the most being:

24/July – Communist terrorist killed a Chinese woman leaving her house in the small isolated mining village of Sintok, Kedah.
25/October – Communist terrorist mined a stretch of the Changlun-Sadao road on the Malaysia-Thailand border and tried albeit unsuccessfully to ambush a Malaysian security forces motorised convoy.

As a response to their activity Minister of Home Affairs & Justice Yeap Ghim Guan proposes the formation of a purposely formed special forces that performs the role of counter-insurgency within the Malaysian state. Eventually this proposal would form the Yeap Project. |

| With the Yeap Project underway and recruitment efforts for the project began. Yeap Ghim Guan began looking for other special forces organisation that'll serve a mentorship for the future counter-insurgency special force. Eventually settling on the British SAS to provide the necessary mentorship. 1,600 officers and men from the Police Field Force applied for the Yeap Project. Of which 60 passed the basic commando training tests. A group of instructors from the British SAS, 22nd regiment were sent to Fort Kemar, Perak to supervise the training of the first recruits. Only 30 police officers managed to pass and they formed the first nucleus troops of the 69 Commando Battalion. |

| The planned organisation of the special forces that'll result from the Yeap Project would be organisationally modelled after the British SAS, 22nd Regiment. To achieve the function of:

– Intelligence collection in deep reconnaissance missions and warfare.

– Special operations to support the Kuasa Tertinggi Field Unit in combating subversive organisations.

– Law enforcement operations in dealing with armed criminals inside Malaysian territory.

– Search and rescue operations inside or outside Malaysian territory.

– Support in term of technique and training to other
Royal Malaysian Police elite units. |

| Sand coloured berets would be bestowed onto each member of the 69 Commando Battalion by the British SAS, 22nd Regiment on the final day of their training by the SAS. Along with that the 69 Commando Battalion would adopt their own informal insignia. Their informal insignia features:

– The colour black:
i Black symbolises the highly secretive nature of their operations.

– The colour red:
i Red symbolises the bravery of the men in this elite unit.

– The colour yellow:
i Yellow symbolises loyalty to the king and country.

– A javelin:
i The javelin is a Lembing, which is a traditional weapon used by Malay warriors.

– Two pieces of the Kerambit.
i Which are arranged to form the number 69, signifying stealth and efficiency.

Along with that. They'd create their own motto; "Warisan Darah Perwira" (Inheritance of The Blood of Warriors). |

| The Yeap Project would be publicly promoted as the Very Able Troopers 69 as the project was deemed "usable". The first operation assigned towards the first battalion of the VAT 69 would be to assist the Kuasa Tertinggi Field Unit (KTFU) in the infiltration of the Communist ranks. Collecting information on Communist strategies, communist plans and communist equipment and if possible take out their leader. But their main overall mission is to help the KTFU destroy the Communist forces by forcing them to divide and fight amongst themselves. |

______________________________________________

| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"

Zo brult de Nederlandse leeuw
en ontwaakt uit zijn slaap...

// 05 NOVEMBER 1969, WOENSDAG
DEN HAAG, NEDERLAND //

Ā L E AㅤㅤI E C T AㅤㅤE S Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤAㅤㅤB L O S S O M I N GㅤㅤF L O W E R

ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ_{In the wake of the Wolsheijner Administration's bold economic experiments, Holland found itself on the brink of a remarkable transformation. With each passing day, the nation surged forward, propelled by an economy that seemed to know no bounds. The once quiet ports of Rotterdam now echoed with the clamour of international trade, while the business plazas of Amsterdam teemed with the hustle and bustle of commerce. In the heart of Eindhoven, factories hummed with ceaseless activity, their labour a testament to the nation's newfound prosperity. It was a time of dizzying growth, as Holland soared to the pinnacle of Western economies. Record-breaking surges in GDP left economists in awe, and whispers of an economic miracle began to circulate. With each success, the scars of the Dutch Banking Crisis and the Walloon Question, still fresh in the nation's memory, seemed to fade into obscurity.}

_{Amidst the whirlwind of Holland's burgeoning economy, the manufacturing sector soared to unprecedented heights, fueled by fierce market competition and significantly reduced production costs. Once stagnant, the Dutch economy now churned out historic quantities of goods, signalling a dawn of new opportunities. Enterprising Dutch-Greek businessman, Gert-Jan Christiakis, emboldened by the dominance of BMW, Renault, Volkswagen, and Peugeot in the European automobile market, envisioned a new chapter for Holland. In 1962, he laid the groundwork for a Dutch automobile manufacturer, spurred by a desire to see his homeland take its place among the industry giants. With government support, Christiakis established Kieft Motors Company in Amsterdam in May 1964, rallying venture capitalists and angel investors to fuel its growth. By 1965, Christiakis joined forces with businessman Huug Roeloffzen, officially founding the Kieft Group, with Kieft Motors Company as its flagship subsidiary. The company's vision took shape as they meticulously crafted their debut model, the Batavia 5060, a sleek and modern vehicle tailored for the needs of nuclear families. From June 1965 to April 1968, Kieft poured heart and soul into perfecting the Batavia 5060 before finally transitioning into full-scale production. In February 1969, the world stood witness as Kieft unveiled the Batavia 5060 to the European market, backed by an ambitious marketing blitz targeting discerning consumers across Switzerland, Britain, France, and the Nordic nations. The response was nothing short of euphoric. Customers lauded the Batavia 5060, propelling Kieft to record-breaking sales in the first two quarters of 1969. Leading the charge was the United Kingdom, where Kieft boasted over fifty-five thousand units sold within the first half of the year, cementing its place as a rising star in the European automotive landscape.}

_{As the applause for Kieft's inaugural Batavia 5060 echoed across the continent, whispers of a new endeavour began to circulate behind closed doors. While plans for a second model simmered in secrecy, Kieft's meteoric rise to prominence sent shockwaves through the automotive world. Despite its youth, Kieft had etched its name into the annals of European manufacturing, poised for a leap onto the global stage. The irresistible blend of comfort, elegance, and affordability that defined its debut offering had already endeared Kieft to the hearts of Dutch consumers, igniting a fervour that transcended borders. Now, with eyes set on international markets, Kieft stood as a beacon of hope in Holland's rapidly evolving economic landscape. The company's ambitions burned brightly, fueled by the promise of a future brimming with possibility. As the world watched, Kieft dared to dream of even greater heights, ready to perhaps one day carve out its place among the titans of the automotive industry.}

_______________________________________________

_{Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor}
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
—

Adriatican Islands
Amsterwald
Anglo channel
Arcanda
Cascadla
Cheezaslovakia
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hatzburg
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Klingenthalerburg
Kotakuan II
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Mutawakkiliti
Nevbrejnovitz
NewAuroria
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
OsivoII
Paramountica
Paseo
Peking Zhongguo
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Rio de la plata argentina
Rutannia
Saudi Arabiyah
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Spain-
The Confederate Prussian Empire
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam sv
Virnall

RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE

FRENCH BUREAUCRACY 

MINISTÈRE DE L’ÉCONOMIE & FINANCES

______

MINISTRY OF ECONOMICS & FINANCE: ECONOMY & FINANCE MINISTER VALERY GISCARD D'ESTAING ANNOUNCES BROAD ECONOMIC REFORM MEASURES
_{VTH FRENCH REPUBLIC | PARIS, SEPTEMBER 1969}

_{| HELM OF PROGRÉS, MINISTÈRE DE L’ÉCONOMIE & FINANCES - | The Pompidou administration's abrupt devaluation of the franc last month was widely praised as an example of skillful financial management. However, the question remains if France can control inflation before the trade-off advantages of a weaker franc are lost to rising prices which will determine its eventual success. The Pompidou administration welcomed a large number Frenchmen back to work last week after their August vacations with tidings of impending austerity. Finance Minister Valery Giscard d'Estaing unveiled a plan to combat inflation that will make use of almost all of the fiscal and monetary tools at the disposal of modern day administrations.}

_{If accomplished, the objectives that Giscard has established may make France the envy of other countries. He also boldly pledged to accomplish such objectives in less than a year. The objectives are as follows: 1) a balanced budget by January 1, 1970; 2) a "equilibrium" between production and consumption by April 1; and 3) the elimination of France's trade deficit by July 1. When Giscard called for national support to help "win the battle of the franc," he was careful not to incite the industrial conflict that had disturbed the government's economic objectives during the 1968 student riots. The burden placed on common Frenchmen was actually quite small and focused mainly at limiting credit. Instead of the current 30% down payment, car buyers will need to put down 50% and pay the remaining balance over 18 months rather than 21. The down payment on furniture and household equipment will now be 40% instead of 30%, and the term will be cut from 18 to 15 months. Interest rates on savings accounts will increase from 4% to 6% in order to incentivize customers to transfer their funds there. Opposition is significantly more likely to be sparked by a government promise to maintain wage stability. Giscard said that during talks next month, the government would aim to keep salary increases at 4%, which would match the rise in the cost of living so far this year. The minister vowed to boost family allowances for low-income groups and to raise old-age pensions for all, in an attempt to sweeten the pill and somewhat defuse criticism of his polices.}

_{Businessmen were treated with significantly less tact. The devaluation-induced price freeze will persist, albeit with minor adjustments. Due to their increasing revenues from checking-account deposits, bankers will now be required to pay a "exceptional" tax on profits. Only 0.6% of this year's price increases will be permitted for industries that rely on imports, which are more expensive following devaluation—1.25% in 1970. Any additional increases will need to be discussed with the government and declared one month in advance. Giscard suavely sought to appease industry by promising that the government would set an example of restraint. He promised to reduce the 1969 deficit from $422 million to just $100 million. Government-owned gas and power providers will not be carrying out their planned price increases. To increase the labor pool, military conscripts will be discharged one month ahead of schedule. Long-term, the Finance Minister repeated a promise made by Prime Minister Jacques Chaban-Delmas: public spending will not increase at a rate higher than the GDP as long as he is in office.}

_{The new austerity, Giscard promised grandly, will "further make France into a model industrial state," with a "regime of permanent price stability." To prevent any speculative rush, Paris has already secured $9.5 billion in fresh international credits as a safeguard against additional depreciation of the franc. The flagship industries of France are still a source of pride and power. The first of the second generation of jet transports, the Caravelle, the renowned Marcel Dassault Mirage jet fighter, and the supersonic Concorde, which was primarily designed in France, are examples of the innovation of the French aviation sector. French products are starting to compete with Italian refrigerators and washing machines, Dutch toasters and transistors, and West German machine tools in the crucial domains of engineering and middle-level management. France is at last emerging as a rival in the global industrial markets that it deserves to be. |}

______

VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!

VIVE LA FRANCE!

VIVE L’EMPIRE!

_{𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄
𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘}

Abessinienreich
Adriatican Islands
Al-Jammahirya al-Arabiyya
Amsterwald
Andorra-
Anglo channel
Arcanda
Astarina
Batallon de Dignidad
Brazil Toucan
Canovia
Cascadla
Connomia
Earstenia
Falastinyya
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hatzburg
Hollunde
Holy Vatican City States
Hong kong delta
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Kotakuan II
Le Equatoria
Lieobria
Lucki
Maziya
Medarc
Meerkien
Metropolitan Francais
Monaco-
Mutawakkiliti
Nasrid Algeria
Nevbrejnovitz
NewAuroria
New Provenance
New zealand nz
Ngiera
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
OsivoII
OsivoIII
Paramountica
Paseo
Poland1st
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Republica de cuba-
Rio de la plata basin
Rutannia
Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia
Saudi Arabiyah
Slipway
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spain-
Tallahan
The Confederate Prussian Empire
The kemalist republic of turkiye
The United States of Africa
United Jericho
Vancouver Straits
Veliki-kolombia
Victoria Harbor
Victoria harbor ii
Vietnam sv
Virnall
Zeitenwende
Zingium

_{DEC 1969}

_{^{REPUBLIC OF CHINA | 中華民國}}


ＰＯＳＴＵＲＩＮＧ

T_{he Kuomintang's National Congress in a way mirrors that of the Mainland's Communist Party's National Congress. Held every five years, the mostly symbolic congress usually is anticipated by China watchers to determine the direction of the state. It also serves as the ground where new political figures are made, and important national policy is announced. This year's National Congress also held the special distinction of marking the 75th anniversary of the party's founding by Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Notable however this time was the massive sign that saw Chiang Kai-shek's son, Ching-Kuo, being pictured alongside his father. For the first time, it seemed that there would be a new party leader.}

_{Citing his health and desire to focus on running the affairs of the state, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek announced that he will be stepping down as Tsungtsai (Director-General) to make way for a new leader of the party who in Chiang's own words would 'rejuvenate the heroic spirit of the Party and lead the charge for the reunification of China and it's liberation from the Communist aggressors in the mainland'. This man was of course no other than Ching-kuo, who ran opposed and was elected by an overwhelming majority as new 'Chairman' of the party.}

_{The National Congress however was a distraction for what was happening in the background. Part of the reason for the sudden succession despite having no clear signs before was increased pressure by the mainland on Taiwan. a false flag operation raised alarm bells all over the political establishment and a decision was made that all the relevant political powers, mainly Ching-kuo as Minister of National Defense, had to have total power to deal with the situation at hand. Chiang was no fool, he had no delusions about his abilities, and such understood the need for delegation.}

_{As the Congress progressed into its first few days, newly elected Chairman Ching-kuo began to employ a brand of aggressive language not used since the 50s. 'Immediate unification!' 'The regime is collapsing as the Great Leap Backwards descends into more chaos' 'Mao is senile, he is letting the youth beat up teachers under the pretenses of ideology!' were some of the slogans and phrases used in the congress. A declaration that gave the Chairman wide-range (symbolic) powers to lead the country into war was passed as another form of psychological warfare. Nobody was under the impression that there would be an actual large-scale conflict - save perhaps for a few of the more hardline military officers - but if Beijing wanted violence then it would see the true face of the tiger.}

_{On the final day, the Standing Committee of the Kuomintang was elected, essentially the highest decision-making body of the party. 21 members were elected, most of the former members retained their seats, however this new SC brought with it an increased military presence, notable of which the inclusion of General Hau Pei-Tsun and Chief of the General Staff Lai Ming-tang, another clear indication of the militarized state that the KMT was pursuing in the wake of the aggression by the Communist Party.}

_{A few months ago, the current situation would have been unthinkable, but so was renewed aggression by the Chinese Communist Party in it's weakest moments. Then again, none of the top leaders in Taiwan were ever under the impression that the CPC's position on the mainland was ever at threat, the Great Leap Forward had succeeded in building a successful foundation for a revival of the economy and began turning the wheels for the country's industrialization, meanwhile the Cultural Revolution had only succeeded in proving that the CPC's iron fist approach was the only right one. However for Ching-kuo and his military cadres, none of this would stop their march towards retaking the mainland by any means necessary.}
-----------------------------


"If when I die, I am still a dictator, I will certainly go down into the oblivion of all dictators. If, on the other hand, I succeed in establishing a truly stable foundation for a democratic government, I will live forever in every home in China" ~ Chiang Kai-shek

| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"

Een regering bestaat uitsluitend
om haar volk te dienen...

// 28 NOVEMBER 1969, WOENSDAG
DEN HAAG, NEDERLAND //

Ā L E AㅤㅤI E C T AㅤㅤE S Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤS E R V A N TㅤㅤO FㅤㅤT H EㅤㅤP E O P L E

ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ_{Holland basked in the glow of its economic renaissance, hailed as the Dutch Economic Miracle, affectionately dubbed "Lagerlandswonder" (Lowland's miracle), as the nation charged into the 1970s with unwavering economic might. The shadows of past setbacks, epitomised by the Dutch Banking Crisis and the suffocating grip of the Walloon Crisis during the De Jong administration from 1965 to 1967, seemed but distant memories. Under the visionary leadership of Adrian Wolsheijner, who clinched victory in early 1969, the Netherlands experienced a remarkable resurgence. A convergence of factors, from a burgeoning population to bold policy reforms and a culture of innovation nurtured by the state, propelled the nation back onto the global stage. Wolsheijner's philosophy, rooted in a nuanced approach that rejected the extremes of neoliberal economics, drew inspiration from the principles of the Freiburg School and the visionary insights of Eucken and Böhm. His vision was clear: to forge a path toward a social market economy, where regulation and free markets harmonised to foster sustainable growth and prosperity for all.}

_{Amidst the bustling growth fueled by immigration and soaring birth rates, the Netherlands emerged as a formidable force in Europe, its influence swelling with each passing day. Yet, like all nations grappling with rapid population expansion, Holland found itself ensnared in a pressing dilemma. A scarcity of housing loomed large, driving rent prices and housing costs to dizzying heights. Nowhere was this predicament more palpable than in Amsterdam, where a confluence of immigrants and natives alike clamoured for affordable accommodations, only to be met with frustration and despair. Recognising the urgency of the situation, the Dutch government resolved to seize control. With determination etched upon their faces, they embarked on a bold initiative, poised to confront the housing crisis head-on.}

_{In a bold move spurred by the insights of sociologist and political advisor Koen Eekwiendels, Holland embarked on a pioneering social development project in May 1969. The seeds of change were sown with the Luijendijk Project in Rotterdam, a groundbreaking endeavor that saw the construction of four apartment complexes in the long-neglected Schiedam borough, providing a sanctuary for 560 souls. Buoyed by the moderate success of the Luijendijk initiative, the Dutch government wasted no time in expanding its ambitious vision. From the urban sprawl of Amsterdam to the corridors of power in The Hague, and even reaching down south to Luxembourg and Luik, a wave of social housing projects began to take shape. Among them stood the likes of Kievidhaven (Amsterdam), Wiedelwiejkeert (The Hague), Lieuweende (Luxembourg), and Zuid-Maarten (Luik), each a beacon of hope in the struggle for affordable housing. With two of these transformative projects nearing completion, the Netherlands stands poised to usher in a new era of accessibility and inclusivity. By prioritising the needs of the most vulnerable, Holland endeavours to pave the way for a brighter future, where the promise of affordable housing with low rent prices is not just a dream, but a reality for all.}

_{Under the vigilant oversight of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, the social housing projects are meticulously tailored to meet the needs of lower-middle-class families and solitary urban dwellers. Fixed at a modest rate of ƒ27.5 guilders per room, the rental fees ensure accessibility without compromising on quality, with a standard two-bedroom unit totaling ƒ110 guilders (£43 pound sterling) to encompass the kitchen, living room, and bedrooms. To ensure equitable distribution, citizens can apply for social housing through designated government channels, presenting proof of income as a prerequisite. With a commitment to fairness, each family is limited to one housing unit, safeguarding against exploitation of the system. In a nod to sovereignty, foreign residents, including guest workers without Dutch citizenship, are temporarily excluded from eligibility for social housing. This measure underscores the government's dedication to prioritising the welfare of its own citizens, preserving resources for those who call the Netherlands home. As the Netherlands strides confidently into a new chapter, it remains steadfast in its commitment to serving the people, shunning the grip of elitism that once cast a shadow over The Hague. With each passing milestone, the nation reaffirms its dedication to the principles of equality and social justice, ensuring that all citizens have a place to call home in this ever-evolving landscape.}

_______________________________________________

_{Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor}
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
—

Adriatican Islands
Amsterwald
Anglo channel
Arcanda
Cascadla
Cheezaslovakia
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hatzburg
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Klingenthalerburg
Kotakuan II
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Mutawakkiliti
Nevbrejnovitz
NewAuroria
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
OsivoII
Paramountica
Paseo
Peking Zhongguo
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Rio de la plata argentina
Rutannia
Saudi Arabiyah
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Spain-
The Confederate Prussian Empire
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam sv
Virnall

T H E   S L O V E N E   R E P U B L I C   •   S L O V E N S K A   R E P U B L I K A

After a disappointing performance in the 1970 FIFA World Cup qualifications, President Jakac announces a wide-reaching sports subsidy program.

^{WELFARE WELL-TIMED
NOVEMBER 1969}

In truth, sports and athletics had long been targets for new funding and revitalization under President Božidar Jakac. In sporting, Slovenia was a robust nation: sokols gave it an enormous rate of youth sport participation, particularly in gymnastics—wherein Miroslav Cerar won his recent gold medal—and youth football participation was solidly on the rise. However, the flush budget that resulted from the Alpski nakup gave Jakac more room for social initiatives, and building on an already-robust foundation seemed like a sure victory.

Politics, however, demand cunning timing. Like any program, Jakac’s athletics subsidies could be set in favorable circumstances at a favorable hour. This is what he elected to do. Slovenia was enthralled by the 1970 FIFA World Cup (Sport-Internationale) qualifiers, keenly remembering the dramatic 1966 qualifiers and Slovenia’s razor-thin defeat to Spain that ended its dream run. This time, the sting managed to be harsher; Slovenia placed second-to-last in its group, far from the qualification it so desired. It was now, when attention to national sports was at its zenith, that the Jakac administration would unveil his reply—$3 million (1968) to be distributed in subsidies to youth and adult sports clubs, including professional football teams, in $1 million parcels set for 1970, 1972, and 1974. The emphasis would be on ‘talent cultivation’—on seeking out natural talent and honing it. Even in its current state, Slovenia’s sporting landscape was producing exciting young names in football, midfielder Branko Oblak and winger Zdenko Verdenik among them. Now, with Slovenian sports organs to be afforded funds for new scouts and recruiters, another generation in Slovenia’s towns and villages might be sifted for its stars.

_{IN OTHER NEWS: A deal with the Republic of Singapore was recently concluded by the Slovenian Foreign Ministry, reaffirming relations between the two states and establishing mutual commercial representative offices to expand trade. An agreement was likewise reached to reduce double taxation, aiming to make Singapore a place for Slovenian companies to operate and likewise. The prospect of involvement in Singapore has proved a subject of much enthusiasm among Slovenian companies, who watch the young state grow with a keen eye.}

SVN | International Competitions

by The Slovene Republic of Amsterwald

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International Events

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— — — As follows is an account of Slovenia's performance in custom-made allohistorical international competitions.

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EVENT	PERFORMANCE, NOTES
— FIFA WORLD CUP FOOTBALL Sport-Internationale —	Click to show... 1966—DNQ. Knocked out in a close draw at the end of the qualifying rounds. 1970—DNQ. Knocked out, though drawing with several major teams; followed by sports subsidies.
— OLYMPICS MULTI-SPORT Sport-Internationale —	Click to show... 1964 Tokyo—🥇 2 gold medals. Performed strongly in gymnastics. 1968 Madrid—🥇 1 gold medal, 🥉 1 bronze. Miroslav Cerar won gold in the pommel-horse, prompting his celebration in Slovenia.
— UEFA EUROPEAN CHAMPIONSHIPS FOOTBALL Sport-Internationale —	Click to show... 1968—Group stage. Qualified, edging out Hungary and Wales, but knocked out in the group stage despite a surprise victory against Poland.
— WORLDVISION INTERNATIONAL MUSIC CONTEST Paseo —	Click to show... 1953—6th. Bis-Bez earned 99 points. 1954—2nd 🥈. Dijana Moravec earned 221 points. Performance interrupted by stage intruders. 1955—2nd 🥈. Earned 166 points; poised to win but was controversially snubbed by the Italian jury. 1956—2nd 🥈. Earned 168 points; harassed by Yugoslavian hosts. 1957—1st 🥇. Slavko Avsenik earned 183 points in an uncontroversial victory. 1958—23rd. Earned 2 points in a competition held in Ljubljana. Did not qualify for 1959. 1960—25th. Earned 4 points, continuing a performance slump. 1965—6th. Earned 91 points as the Slovene jury spurned Eastern Bloc nations. 1966—5th. Earned 92 points, edging out Yugoslavia by one. 1967—3rd 🥉. Earned 123 points; came up 6 points short. 1968—1st 🥇. Earned 146 points; early rocker Milan Petrovič defeated Yugoslavia by one point.

Read dispatch

November 1969
_{Eine Nation Völler Ambitionen}

D I E    B U N D E S R E P U B L I K

A NATION OF AMBITION
_{FRANKFURT, THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, New Provenance - MORNING}

| ". . . We are a boundless, impenetrable, unstoppable nation of ambition . . ." was the line most remembered by the country in Sophie Scholl's first speech as FEDERAL CHANCELLOR. After receiving a majority of votes in the Bundestag (247) in the vote of confidence in a government led by her, she addressed the nation's unicameral parliamentary body and made a speech largely focused on optimism about the future, and plans to tackle social issues like the Vietnam War, detente with the Communist East, and new economic programs aimed at lifting up the working class and encouraging overall national export rate and GDP growth. Her speech was met with applause from her coalition partners, the SPD and the FDP, with polite applause from the opposition CDU. Within days of assuming office, Scholl signaled her intention to move fast when she put forward to the Bundestag for consideration legislation that would expand existing programs to boost Germany's exports and empower German corporate innovation. |

| As the country concludes the decade of the 1960s, the outlook is positive but the current state of the nation is somewhat dull in comparison to what the previous government of Willy Brandt was aiming for. While the country's exports and unemployment had decreased overall since the mid-1960s, when the economy was most volatile, a collusion of a variety of factors have meant there remains an issue to be tackled. The most crucial piece of data that requires tackling by the German government is the decline in capital investments into German private industry, which in past decades have spurred on historic levels of jobs and economic growth for the country. The Brandt government assumed a fiscally conservative position on the issue, supporting CDU proposals to slash business taxes and streamline regulations to boost economic productivity and encourage mobility in the German industrial world. |

| To the delight of free market liberals and fiscal conservatives alike, FDP leader Wolfgang Mischnick assumed the position of Minister of Economy rather than Minister of Defense, giving him the purview to direct the country's economic policy for the foreseeable future. Mischnick's economic policy is more liberal, but still somewhat similar to, than that of one of his most popular predecessors in the position, and current opposition leader, Ludwig Erhard. Both have supported incentivizing growth and innovation of German companies that in the 1950s were the backbone of the export boom that grew the national economy to record levels. |

| The heavily demoralized SPD, now in second position in the coalition, with their leader, Willy Brandt, serving as Vice-Chancellor with an additional portfolio as Foreign Minister, was given the task of leading the country on foreign policy. The new Chancellor was a strong supporter of Ostpolitik and general detente with the Communist East, and was even supportive of a loosening of border restrictions between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. The leading DfV party, the liberal political machine that formed this year and rallied behind Scholl as their candidate, assumed the daunting task of reforming, as mentioned above, domestic policy. Scholl unveiled her plans for domestic policy during visits to a Volkswagen factory complex outside of Frankfurt and a visit to a general hospital in Cologne, outlining health and industry as the priorities of her administration. She also gave a nod to younger voters during a visit to a low-income housing complex in Bonn built in 1967, touting plans to reform the welfare system to expand its coverage while keeping its fiscal cost on the country in check. |

Road to Recovery

| First 5-Year Cycle |
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_{November 1969}

While inside the central government, Balewa was facing a power struggle with his former second-in-command, Nnamdi Azikiwe, a small band of advisors and influential lawmakers had been tasked with setting up the "5-year Cycle" - a road which would see a series of political and economic reforms. While into which direction it was unclear, President Balewa and his party were aiming to give a concrete map of direction for Nigeria to follow.

Plans had already been devised for big investments into agriculture, set to be funded via a revamp of the old-school tax system, of which was both sluggish and full of corruption already. The government also wanted to look into political reform, such as the setting up of an independent judiciary, having established one within the National Assembly. All these ideas had very much been set in motion for the last few months, but fighting a factional battle inside the cabinet created a paralysation within the core of Nigeria's governing body. It was decided, with a large influence from the President himself, that they would focus on tax reform, price regulations for farmers, investment into housing and education and the accelerated roll-out of the Farmers Subsidy Scheme to stir productivity and growth within a devastated sector, and a key sector, of the Nigerian economy.

Set to last 5 years, the cycle would begin with an ambitious budget for 1970, which would aim for a national roll-out of the farmer's subsidy scheme, funded partly by borrowed money as well as new taxes concerning businesses, which were set by the start of the year to pay a flat 5% of income directly into the central government. Placement of temporary caps in ministry budgets would be able to prevent a spiral of debt, and so would be supported by new regulations set on ports, an area of high economic corruption and tax evasion. If the 1970 Budget was a success, it was then perhaps the most important stage - tax reform - next in line. Balewa and his small band of advisors were concerned with both the low level of taxation on long-term wealth, luxury items, non-productive rural land and especially and the tax evasion, mostly within the wealthier urban areas, as well as within many of the ports within Nigeria. If they could raise more tax revenue, it could be able to fund future potential projects surrounding housing and education.

The President's big pledge for "careful reformism" now hits it's catalyst. While he may fight his factions in the cabinet and central government, his promises of economic recovery must be taken grasp. While the economy remains in a state of confusion, an industrial sector masked with de-regulation and the potential for corruption, a rural economy is still in a state of disarray, with attempts by Balewa and his government failing to make a dent into the long-term systemic problem for Nigeria's agricultural sector. For the wealthier ports of the South, the prospect of mass deceit and avoiding the growing reality of more taxes. Millions across the country still do not see the promises of a rejuvenated economy, with the pledges of a modern welfare system, a minimum wage and regulations on larger corporations failing to come to means. Nigeria's road to recovery is still on a shaky path, as attempts to raise more revenue, re-invest in a stale and broken economy and most of all, give a sense of optimism to the millions across the Lion of Africa.

_{DEC 1969}

_{^{REPUBLIC OF CHINA | 中華民國}}


ＭＯＮＥＹ　ＡＮＤ　ＰＯＬＩＴＩＣＳ

T_{aiwanese television has witnessed a rapid rise in latest years. Moving into the 60s with a flourishing electronics industry, a booming economy, a newly emerging middle class, and a desire to introduce the latest technology into the Taiwanese market made the conditions ripe for the creation of a television industry on the island. Starting it's existence with a capital of US$ 750,000, the Taiwanese Television Enterprise has grown not only to produce television content, but also directly aid the economy by manufacturing television sets and cultivating an advertisment environment that has led to the growth of Taiwanese businesses. Today, the TTV produces 70 hours of broadcasting content, a large portion of which is in color .}

_{Not content with just the TTV, the government authorized the creation of a second television channel in 1968. Having proved that a TV station was profitable, the eyes of Taiwanese entrepreneurs lit up, and many applied for a license to create a second channel. However, the Kuomintang's propaganda department, specifically through the Broadcasting Corporation of China (BCC) which owned the largest radio station in the country, also wanted a share in the pie. Eventually, President Chiang Kai-shek stepped in and ordered a joint-venture between all the relevant parties (that heavily prioritized the BCC) and the China Television Company was formed.}

_{The CTV was an even bigger success, introducing mass scale color television to the island, and having a much larger budget thanks to the involvement of many private interests, the Taiwanese government got the message, and announced that a third channel will be launched in 1970, this time fully prioritizing private companies and even being listed on the Taiwanese Exchange so that it would truly flourish as a private company. Of course not just any businessman could do, it had to be someone close to the KMT. Enter Lin Ting-Sheng, owner of the largest private company - Tatung, which holds a large market share in the production of electrical appliances, including color television sets, and heavy machinery - in Taiwan, and member of the Taipei City Council.}

_{For Lin Ting-Sheng, the business opportunity proved too good to pass, as not only would it serve as an excellent diversification scheme for the Tatung Group, turning it into a true conglomerate enterprise that would be involved in more than just the manufacturing, but it would also allow Lin to build a strong foundation to launch a bid for the mayoral position in Taipei, thus expanding his influence politically even more. Thus as December came on the island, it was announced in a press conference that Tatung would be the first private company to launch a television channel, owning the majority share in the 'Taipei Broadcasting Group'. This share however was only 58%, with the rest being divested between the Ministry of National Defense, The ROC government, and the BCC.}

_{The TBG was, in Lin's own words, 'be both a channel for patriotic development and trailblazing entertainment of novel variety'. This slogan was important, with the big two already hounding most prominent actors and entertainment, the TBG had its work cut out for it. Lin, ever the cunning businessmen, however saw a niche from which he could especially benefit from. By targeting the youth and young adult demographics, Lin would be able to take advantage of support from the military establishment which would provide funds and resources in exchange for airtime from which it could reach its main target, while also providing said demographic with the type of entertainment that would appeal to them. Specifically, foreign movies, low-brow wuxia and action tv shows, and sports.}

_{Infrastructure wise, the TBG was to have as much cutting edge advantage as it could. The establishing document listed the following as base principles concerning the television channel: The station was to be located in Taipei in a studio lot covering 15,000 square meters, it would telecast in colors, it would be established with a base capital of US$ 3,500,000, and finally that it would lunch in September of 1970.}

_{Promising the creation of hundreds of new jobs whether in construction or in the operation of the TV station, Lin had already began to form the basis of his political ascension by buying the loyalty of many Taiwanese. Establishing ties with the military establishment would help with having key allies within the most powerful institution in the country, and having a public media company would only help with advertising Tadung's products, which would increase sales for the enterprise. Lin Ting-Sheng had begun laying down the building bricks for the next step in his rise.}
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"If when I die, I am still a dictator, I will certainly go down into the oblivion of all dictators. If, on the other hand, I succeed in establishing a truly stable foundation for a democratic government, I will live forever in every home in China" ~ Chiang Kai-shek