Volomir Borromov X is the monarch of Chastonia, Head of State and Government, Commander-in-Chief of the Chastonian Military, Hater of Artificial Foods, Husband of Nyeva Kisov, Believer in the Reformed Orthodox faith, and Royal Navy Veteran

Volomir X is the firstborn son and only child of Volomir IX. He was educated at the Charkoslavian National University (C.N.U.) and had earned masters degrees in History, Political Science, Arts, and English. After spending six years in the university, he joined the Royal Navy for about five years and would later return to the capitol to study for being future king. Tragedy struck when his father, Volomir IX died of lung cancer. He was coronated two weeks later, and became King of Chastonia, representing Chastonia abroad wherever he went, and helped fund against the cause of Marxism. He advocated for organic farming production, banning food products that use no real flavors and only chemicals (Like HI-C and Minute Maid) and steered the nation's economy to more self-sufficiency. He's also a herbalist, finding many medicinal uses in plants and fruits and vegetables, earning him the Staunch Herbalist award.

He was born in the Chastony Pediatrics and Children Hospital on August 14, at 2:32 A.M. during the reign of Volomir VIII. Being the firstborn and only child of his father, his future as monarch was secure, and Charles IX did everything he could to prepare the young boy, and the mother guided him during childhood. In middle school he was baseball pitcher for his school's baseball team and was known for the glass incident which he tried batting and the ball was struck toward a nearby house's window.

After college, he joined the Royal Navy and was soon promoted to Petty-Officer 2nd Class and earned a Green Belt rank in Gun-Kata. He served for five years before returning home and continued his studies in economics, politics, governing, and continuing his training in the Gun-Kata arts.

He was the youngest Borromov ever to be crowned at just 24.

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Nyeva Kisov, the maternal sister of Emperor Kisov I, was born on May 22nd, 2005, in the small town of Varis, Vorstadt. Standing 5’8” and bearing a lean but petite physique, she is the epitome of Vorian female beauty.

Growing up separate from the Emperor, Nyeva was raised in a monastery for women, and kept a secret from the general public. There, she learned Vorian, Othic and Latin, which positioned her as a future tool for diplomacy. The nuns taught her the importance of virtue, modesty, and beauty, concepts that shaped her worldview and desires.

Sheltered from harm during the turbulent years between the assasination of Vladimir Voran and the violent struggle for power that ensued between his assassins and the future Emperor, Nyeva was little aware of the dangers of the outside world. Soon after her 18th birthday, she was married off to King Volomir X of Chastonia in an effort to secure a political alliance between him and Vladyshev.

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Born in 1985 in the industrial city of Västerhamn, Andrei Svensson displayed an unusual fascination with engineering and manufacturing from an early age. Rather than pursuing politics, Svensson devoted his life to solving practical problems through technology. After graduating from the Imperial Institute of Technology with degrees in mechanical engineering and systems architecture, he worked on military robotics before founding Odin Dynamic Corporation (ODC) in 2016. Originally beginning as a small defense contractor employing fewer than fifty engineers, ODC rapidly expanded into one of the nation's most diversified technology conglomerates. Today it operates across nearly every strategic industrial sector within Chastonia, competing with the government-owned universal services but with no hostility to any side. In fact, although ODC is privately owned, Svensson maintains a close professional relationship with the Imperial Government. ODC serves as one of Chastonia's principal strategic contractors while remaining legally independent.

Aleksandr Chernov (born 1978) is a Chastonian Air Marshal, ace pilot, and the current Chief of the Chastonian Imperial Air Force. Born into a military family, Chernov entered the Imperial Air Force as a young officer and quickly distinguished himself as an exceptionally skilled combat pilot. By his 30s, he had become an ace and was regarded as one of the most capable aviators of his generation. His rise through the ranks was accelerated by his unwavering loyalty to the Chastonian Empire and his advocacy for a powerful, centrally directed military.

Now in his late 40s, Chernov is one of the most prominent figures in the Chastonian military establishment. As Chief of the Imperial Air Force, he has overseen its modernization and expansion while advocating a more aggressive strategic doctrine. Chernov is an agnostic and an outspoken ultra-nationalist who believes that Chastonians occupy a uniquely superior position in the world, attributing this to what he describes as their combination of Norse and Slavic ancestry. His political worldview emphasizes strong Chastonian imperialism, expansionism, national unity, and the belief that military strength is essential to preserving the Empire's greatness.

Chernov's political writings and speeches have made him a controversial figure both within and outside Chastonia. He argues that public attitudes toward war are heavily shaped by national leadership, particularly when governments portray a conflict as an existential defense of the nation. In one of his most frequently cited statements, he wrote: "Men will speak out against war no matter the type of regime until their leader declares that they're under attack, and they'll denounce the Pacifists for being unpatriotic and exposing their country to danger. In this way, the leader is who determines the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along." Supporters regard Chernov as a patriotic strategist and defender of Chastonian power, while critics describe his ideology as chauvinistic, expansionist, and deeply militaristic.

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Kaine Plissken is the Mayor of Nyevagrad, a prosperous port city in the Federal State of Danuvia, Chastonia. Born and raised within Danuvia, Plissken developed a strong attachment to the city and its people, eventually entering local politics with a reputation for being outspoken, pragmatic, and fiercely critical of corporate influence. Under his administration, Nyevagrad has sought to maintain its economic prosperity while reducing its dependence on the corporations that dominate the city's ports and commercial infrastructure. Although Danuvia benefits greatly from the trade flowing through Nyevagrad, Plissken argues that such prosperity should ultimately serve the people of Danuvia rather than the private interests controlling its commerce.

Politically, Plissken is a prominent supporter of Chastonist Socialism and the ideas of Lev Smirnov, placing him at odds with many of the corporations and economic interests that operate throughout Danuvia. He supports greater state involvement in the economy, stronger protections for workers, and the redistribution of economic resources toward the general population. Despite his socialist views, Plissken remains loyal to Chastonia and recognizes the authority of the Chastonian Crown, distinguishing his politics from movements seeking to overthrow the existing state. His popularity among Nyevagrad's working population has made him an influential regional figure and one of the most recognizable advocates of Chastonist Socialism outside the national government.

Plissken's relationship with the Danuvian government, particularly Governor Anatoly Karelo, is complicated. While he recognizes Karelo's importance to maintaining Danuvia's stability and welcomes the resources provided through the Four Year Plan, he remains openly critical of the federal state's dependence on corporate commerce. His willingness to challenge powerful interests has earned him both considerable public support and powerful opponents. To Plissken, Nyevagrad represents more than a prosperous city; it represents an opportunity to prove that Chastonia's economic development can benefit ordinary citizens as much as it benefits those who control its industries. His political philosophy is perhaps best summarized by his own words: "For me, there's a bigger risk trying."

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